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China’s Property Slump Far From Over: Country Garden Profit Is a Mirage

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Despite Country Garden’s headline 2025 profit, China’s property sector remains gripped by oversupply, weak confidence and uneven recoveries. Why the slump will persist into 2027.

Picture an apartment tower in Foshan, on the outskirts of Guangzhou. It was completed in 2022, marketed aggressively, and has sat approximately 70 percent vacant ever since. The hallways smell of fresh paint and concrete that has met no furniture. In the lobby, an electronic display cycles promotional slogans—”Your Dream. Our Promise”—on a loop for an audience of nobody. Drive an hour north into central Guangzhou, and a different reality materialises: boutique luxury units are selling within days, at prices that would shame London’s Belgravia. These two scenes, separated by a motorway and an almost incomprehensible price gulf, together constitute the most important and most misread story in global economics today: China’s property slump—and why, despite the latest headlines, it is nowhere near finished.

On March 30, 2026, Country Garden Holdings—once China’s largest residential developer by sales—published full-year results for 2025 that sent a ripple of cautious optimism through markets. The company reported net profit attributable to shareholders of approximately 3.26 billion yuan, a stunning reversal from a loss of around 35.1 billion yuan the prior year. Headline writers and trading desks reacted accordingly: a ghost had come back to life. The reality is considerably less reassuring—and for global investors and policymakers watching China’s property crisis 2026 unfold, confusing a cosmetic accounting win for structural recovery may be the costliest mistake of the decade.

Country Garden’s Profit Mirage: Accounting Gains vs. Operational Reality

Why Country Garden’s “Return to Profit” Is Mostly Smoke and Mirrors

Strip the varnish from Country Garden’s 2025 numbers and what remains is not a recovery story. It is a debt-restructuring story dressed in the clothing of a recovery.

The company’s headline profit was driven almost entirely by a non-cash accounting gain stemming from the completion of its mammoth offshore debt overhaul. On December 30, 2025, a restructuring plan involving approximately $17.7 billion in offshore obligations and 13.77 billion yuan in domestic bonds took formal legal effect, sanctioned by the Hong Kong High Court. The accounting mechanics are straightforward: when a debtor negotiates a reduction in the face value of what it owes, the difference flows through the income statement as income. Country Garden’s board was admirably transparent about this, warning investors explicitly that “the reported profit is largely a result of non-operational factors and does not necessarily indicate an underlying recovery in the Company’s real estate business.”

The underlying numbers are damning by any measure. Total revenue fell approximately 38.7 percent year-on-year to around 154.89 billion yuan—the fourth consecutive annual decline. Contracted equity sales collapsed to just 33.01 billion yuan, a shadow of the hundreds of billions the company once turned over in peak years. The core gross margin—the profit earned from actually building and selling homes—remained deeply in the red, generating a core gross loss of approximately 43.1 billion yuan. And the legal pressures are metastasising: as of February 28, 2026, Country Garden had accumulated at least 21 new pending lawsuits and arbitration cases each exceeding 50 million yuan, totalling roughly 3.45 billion yuan in disputed claims, with new debts maturing unpaid. In March 2026 alone, contract sales attributable to shareholders were just 2.23 billion yuan—a figure that would once have represented a single weekend in a hot market.

This is the Country Garden profit mirage in its purest form: an accounting event—engineered with considerable skill and legal effort—masquerading as corporate revival. The ghost of Country Garden’s former self is not haunting the markets. It is the markets haunting themselves.

China Real Estate Supply Glut 2026: The Numbers No One Wants to Read

China’s Property Crisis by the Numbers: Half a Market Gone

The macro backdrop against which Country Garden’s accounting shuffle plays out is, if anything, more alarming than the company’s own balance sheet.

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S&P Global Ratings, in its February 2026 China Property Watch report, delivered a forecast revision that should have commanded far more attention than it received. Primary property sales in China are now expected to fall between 10 and 14 percent in 2026—a dramatic deterioration from S&P’s October 2025 projection of just a 5 to 8 percent decline. That earlier forecast was itself already pessimistic. The cumulative damage is staggering: with total sales projected at 9 trillion yuan or below, China’s property market will have halved in just four years from its 2021 peak of 18.2 trillion yuan. This is not a correction. This is a structural demolition.

The supply-demand arithmetic is equally grim. As of mid-2025, completed but unsold housing inventory stood at approximately 762 million square metres, up from 753 million square metres at the end of 2024—and the number has been climbing throughout the policy-easing cycle, not falling. S&P analysts note with clinical precision that persistent oversupply is expected to push prices down a further 2 to 4 percent in 2026, following comparable declines in 2025. “China’s glut of primary housing is keeping a property market recovery out of reach,” the analysts concluded. The China real estate supply glut 2026 is not a regional aberration confined to forgotten third-tier cities. It is now embedded in the fundamentals of the national market.

What gives Beijing’s policymakers particular cause for alarm is where the price rot now lives. S&P noted that home price declines in China’s biggest cities actually worsened in the final quarter of 2025—precisely the cities that were meant to anchor any national recovery. Beijing, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen all recorded home price declines of at least 3 percent for the full year 2025. Even December 2025 data from the National Bureau of Statistics showed new-home prices across 70 major cities falling 2.7 percent year-on-year, the sharpest decline in nearly five months. The secondary market was worse still, down 6.1 percent year-on-year nationally—and a staggering 8.5 percent in Beijing alone.

Fitch Ratings projects that annual new housing demand will average around 800 million square metres between 2024 and 2040, down from 1.6 billion square metres in 2021. The construction boom is not merely pausing. It is over.

Uneven Property Price Recovery China: The Two-Speed Trap

Why Shanghai’s Second-Hand Boom Masks a National Nightmare

Here is the part that makes the uneven property price recovery in China so deceptively difficult to read. Just as Country Garden’s headline profit obscures operational catastrophe, a handful of first-tier city data points—seized on by bullish commentators—obscure the national picture.

Shanghai has, undeniably, been a bright spot. Second-hand home transactions reached a five-year high in mid-March 2026, with 7,233 units sold in a single week—the highest weekly level since 2021. Luxury and high-end new projects are moving fast; one developer reportedly sold a CNY 50 million apartment every day in early March. Over the full year 2025, Shanghai’s newly built home prices rose approximately 5 percent year-on-year—the only major Chinese city to post a meaningful increase. Beijing’s second-hand sales picked up in the same spring window. The traditional “little spring” seasonal uplift arrived in 2026, and state media dutifully amplified every encouraging data point.

But the structural analyst’s job is to resist the seduction of the cherry-picked number—and here the evidence is unambiguous. This Shanghai-led bounce is almost entirely driven by upgrade buyers seeking higher-quality primary-market units, not first-time buyers whose participation would signal genuine, broad-based demand recovery. The secondary home market in even first-tier cities—a far more reliable barometer of organic demand—continued to decline throughout 2025. S&P Global noted bluntly that secondary homes “are much less competitive,” and that softening in resale prices “indicates that demand in such cities is mainly coming from upgraders.”

Meanwhile, the China homebuyer confidence crisis is most acute precisely where most Chinese people actually live and buy homes: in second, third, and fourth-tier cities. Tier-three and tier-four cities continue to face high inventory and weak demand, and analysts expect them to take considerably longer to rebound than key urban centres. The China Index Academy confirmed in its Q1 2026 assessment that the overall market remains at “the bottoming stage.” For the developer in Foshan, or Anqing, or Harbin—where millions of square metres of unsold housing stock sit gathering dust—a five-year high in Shanghai’s weekly transactions is the news from a different country.

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The danger is that policymakers in Beijing—and investors abroad—mistake this polarised signal for a broad trend. It is not. It is a tale of two Chinas separated by an enormous gulf of wealth, migration patterns, and fiscal support. The uneven property price recovery in China is not a temporary divergence on the road to convergence; it is the enduring structural reality of a market that never should have been treated as a single entity.

Policy Limits, Global Ripple Effects, and the Homebuyer Confidence Crisis

Why Beijing’s Toolkit Is Running Low on Ammunition

Since late 2024, Beijing has deployed an extensive policy arsenal. Mortgage rates have been cut, down payment ratios slashed, purchase restrictions eased in major cities, a “whitelist” mechanism extended to fund approved unfinished projects, and local governments granted authority to acquire unsold commercial housing for conversion into affordable stock. More than 100 provinces, cities and counties introduced around 160 policies in Q1 2026 alone, focused on boosting demand and reducing inventory. The policy effort has been genuine and substantial.

It has not been enough—and the trajectory of diminishing returns is accelerating. China’s five-year loan prime rate, the benchmark for most mortgages, fell by only 10 basis points in 2025, compared with a 60-basis-point reduction in 2024. Beijing appears to be easing policy less aggressively now, even as the downturn deepens. This is not an oversight; it reflects a genuine constraint. Further aggressive monetary easing risks re-inflating the very leverage that the “Three Red Lines” policy of 2020 was designed to eliminate. It risks capital flight pressures. And it risks inflaming the affordability crisis that is itself a source of social tension.

The deeper problem is that housing confidence is not primarily a function of mortgage rates. It is a function of expectations about future prices, job security, income growth, and the credibility of delivery guarantees. Households that watched Evergrande, Sunac, Country Garden, and dozens of other major developers fail to complete purchased apartments are not going to be wooed back by a 10-basis-point rate cut. The bad loan ratio for Chinese households reached 1.33 percent in the first half of 2025, exceeding the corporate ratio—a reversal that reflects the unique vulnerability of households, which lack the restructuring options available to companies. “Falling prices erode homebuyers’ confidence,” S&P concluded in its February 2026 report. “It’s a vicious cycle with no easy escape.”

For the global economy, the implications extend well beyond China’s borders. Real estate and its associated sectors—construction, steel, cement, glass, furniture, appliances—once accounted for more than 25 percent of Chinese economic output. The contraction of that base has suppressed demand for Australian iron ore, Brazilian copper, and commodity exports across the developing world. It has compressed global shipping volumes. It has weighed on Asian currencies and complicated monetary policy from Seoul to Jakarta. The Chinese property crisis 2026 is not a domestic accounting problem. It is a global demand shock in slow motion—and one that most Western financial markets continue to systematically underprice.

Why This Slump Is Structural, Not Cyclical—And What Comes Next

The Bold Case: China’s Property Slump Will Persist Well Into 2027 and Beyond

Here is the uncomfortable opinion that the data, assembled honestly, compels: China’s property slump is not a cyclical trough awaiting the right policy combination. It is a structural repricing of an asset class that was, for two decades, priced on the assumption of infinite urbanisation and infinite leverage. Both of those assumptions are now empirically wrong.

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China’s urbanisation rate is approaching 70 percent—a level at which the incremental rural-to-urban migration that historically powered housing demand is decelerating structurally. Fitch’s long-run demand estimate of 800 million square metres per year represents not pessimism but demography. The working-age population is shrinking. The household formation rate is declining. And the national birth rate has collapsed to levels that virtually guarantee further structural demand compression over the coming decade.

Against this demographic backdrop, China’s existing housing stock—built during the boom years at an annual construction pace that at peak exceeded 1.6 billion square metres—is simply too large. The supply glut is not an inventory problem to be solved by one or two years of government purchasing. Many analysts now anticipate stabilisation no earlier than late 2026 or 2027, and several suggest that even that timeline is optimistic without a much more aggressive fiscal intervention on the demand side—the kind of intervention that Beijing, constrained by local government debt levels and the political optics of a housing bailout, has so far declined to deploy at scale.

What Beijing must ultimately confront—and what it has so far resisted—is a genuine demand-side stimulus programme that goes beyond developer bailouts and mortgage tweaking: targeted income support, real social security expansion to reduce precautionary household saving, and a frank acknowledgment that the era of real estate as the primary wealth vehicle for Chinese households is over. Absent that pivot, the property sector will continue its slow draining of Chinese household wealth and consumer confidence, suppressing consumption exactly when domestic demand expansion is Beijing’s stated priority.

For global investors, the Country Garden debt restructuring gain explained above is emblematic of a broader pattern: the Chinese property sector is generating paper gains through financial engineering while operational reality deteriorates. Vanke, once considered too strategic to fail, had to seek debt delays in late 2025 and received a fresh S&P downgrade. The sector’s aggregate losses across even 27 major developers ranged from 47.5 billion to 62.5 billion yuan for 2025 alone. Country Garden is the best-case scenario—not the template for recovery.

Conclusion: A Cautionary Global Warning

There is, of course, a version of the next three years in which China’s property slump begins to genuinely stabilise: a massive fiscal commitment to social housing absorption, a sustained mortgage-rate cycle that credibly restores purchase affordability, and a demographic stabilisation improbably rapid enough to revive organic demand. None of these is likely at the pace and scale required. The more probable scenario is what S&P called, with uncharacteristic bluntness, a vicious cycle with no easy escape.

Country Garden’s 2025 headline profit, driven almost entirely by a one-time accounting gain from debt restructuring, is a mirage—a data point that rewards wishful thinking and punishes rigorous analysis. The sector-wide fundamentals—a supply glut of almost incomprehensible scale, a China homebuyer confidence crisis rooted in legitimate fears about price trajectories and delivery risk, and a policy toolkit that is running low on both ammunition and political will—remain firmly intact.

The apartment building in Foshan is still 70 percent empty. The electronic display still cycles its slogans in an empty lobby. And somewhere in Shanghai, a luxury buyer is paying CNY 50 million for a river-view apartment and calling it a floor. Both are true. Neither tells you why China’s property slump is far from over. The data does.


For deeper reading on China’s real estate structural challenges, see S&P Global Ratings’ China Property Watch series, Caixin Global’s property coverage, and the National Bureau of Statistics of China monthly residential price indices.


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Analysis

China Economy 2026: Export Growth Masks Manufacturing Overcapacity

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China’s exports have been the good-news story in an otherwise mixed economic picture. They’re not just holding up; through the first four months of 2026 they were running about 14% to 15% above the same period a year earlier, according to figures cited by the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission and Vanguard’s economic outlook. That’s the kind of number that would normally signal a healthy economy. The complication is what’s happening underneath it.

A growth model showing its age

Manufacturing capacity utilization fell to 73.9% in early 2026 — near a decade low outside of the pandemic shutdowns, per the Commission’s bulletin. That’s the tell. China is producing and shipping more, but a growing share of its industrial base is running under capacity, which points to a structural mismatch: the country’s manufacturing engine has outgrown both its domestic consumption and, increasingly, what the rest of the world is willing to absorb without pushback.

Goldman Sachs Research, in a report cited by Goldman Sachs’ own analysis, forecasts 4.8% real GDP growth for 2026 — above consensus expectations of 4.5% — driven substantially by continued export strength and a softening drag from the property downturn. But that same report flags the labor market as a genuine weak spot: hiring, measured across a weighted average of PMI employment sub-indexes, is at its most depressed level in a decade outside Covid, and urban nominal wage growth slowed to just 3.8% year-on-year in Q3 2025.

Why Beijing isn’t reaching for stimulus

Given the export strength, one might expect policymakers to feel less urgency about consumption-side stimulus. That’s roughly what’s happening — and it’s a deliberate choice, not an oversight. Xi Jinping’s government remains committed to dominating high-value manufacturing, which means comprehensive fiscal stimulus aimed at consumers remains unlikely even as domestic demand stays soft, according to the Commission’s bulletin.

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The People’s Bank of China is expected to hold its policy rate steady through the rest of the year, preferring targeted structural tools over a broad-based rate cut, per Vanguard’s forecast. That’s a notably cautious stance given how weak the property sector remains — property investment indicators are down 50% to 80% from their 2020–21 peaks, and a “meaningful domestic-demand turnaround remains elusive,” in Vanguard’s own words.

The regulatory push to keep capital at home

Two moves by Chinese regulators in mid-2026 point to where Beijing’s real priority sits: keeping household savings and private capital funneled toward domestic industrial policy rather than flowing overseas. New rules taking effect July 1 restrict outbound investment that could be used to export restricted technology or expertise under the guise of ordinary capital flows, with violations carrying fines, visa restrictions and industry blacklisting, according to the Commission’s bulletin. The regulations follow Beijing’s move to block the founders of AI firm Manus from completing a sale to Meta, even after the company had relocated its headquarters from China to Singapore — a signal that Beijing is willing to reach across borders to keep promising tech assets tethered to domestic or Hong Kong listings.

The currency and trade angle

Goldman’s team makes an out-of-consensus call worth flagging: it expects China’s current account surplus to rise to 4.2% of GDP in 2026, up from 3.6% in 2025, while the broader analyst consensus surveyed by Bloomberg expects a decline to 2.5%. The divergence comes down to export resilience — falling export prices are making Chinese goods more competitive even as the yuan is expected to appreciate slightly, with export-price inflation in dollar terms forecast to turn positive, rising to 0.7% from -2.7% the prior year.

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The bottom line

China’s economy in 2026 is a study in contrasts: robust headline export growth sitting on top of underutilized factories, a weak labor market, and a property sector still in its fifth year of decline. The World Bank’s own baseline, published in its country program materials, projects growth moderating toward 4.0% by 2026 — a more conservative read than Goldman’s. Either way, the consensus across forecasters is the same: exports are carrying more of China’s growth than is healthy for the long run, and Beijing’s policy choices this year suggest it’s betting on technological dominance to eventually solve the demand problem, rather than opening the stimulus taps to solve it directly.


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Analysis

Pakistan Circular Debt Crisis 2026: IMF Deadline Missed, Rs 3.44 Trillion

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There’s a number that keeps showing up in every conversation about Pakistan’s economy, and it keeps getting bigger: circular debt. As of early July 2026, the gas sector’s share of that debt alone has topped Rs 3.44 trillion, and Islamabad has missed a deadline the IMF set for tariff reforms meant to arrest the slide, according to Dawn.

What circular debt actually is, and why it won’t go away

Circular debt is the chain of unpaid obligations that builds up when the price consumers pay for electricity or gas doesn’t cover what it actually costs to produce and deliver it. Someone in the chain — a power producer, a gas utility, a state-owned enterprise — ends up carrying an IOU, and that IOU gets passed down the line. Earlier this year, IMF officials pressed Pakistan on exactly this dynamic, questioning the government’s plan to zero out gas-sector circular debt, according to Aaj English. At the time, officials said around Rs 150 billion remained payable to companies including Oil and Gas Development Company Limited and Pakistan Petroleum Limited.

Islamabad’s proposed fix included a Rs 5-per-unit levy on gas, dividends from state-owned companies redirected toward debt reduction, and the sale of 35 LNG cargoes annually on the international market. The IMF, per that same reporting, raised pointed questions about whether the plan was actually viable.

The commitments Pakistan has already made

Under its Extended Fund Facility, Pakistan has committed to capping circular debt growth at Rs 300 billion for FY2027 and cutting power-sector subsidies from 0.7% of GDP to 0.6%, according to details reported by ProPakistani. The government has also shifted Nepra’s annual tariff-rebasing cycle from July to January, and Ogra now revises gas tariffs twice a year instead of once.

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Structurally, some of this is working. The IMF’s own review in May 2026 credited Pakistan with a primary fiscal surplus of 1.6% of GDP for FY26, broadly in line with program targets, and noted gross reserves had climbed to $16 billion by end-December, up from $14.5 billion six months earlier, according to the IMF’s own press release. That progress unlocked roughly $1.1 billion under the EFF and $220 million under a parallel climate-resilience facility, bringing total disbursements under the two arrangements to about $4.8 billion.

Where the fault lines actually are

The uncomfortable part of this story, laid out by commentary reported in The Hans India, is that revenue targets get IMF scrutiny with great precision, while structural reform of loss-making public enterprises — Pakistan International Airlines and Pakistan Steel Mills chief among them — moves far more slowly. Those enterprises’ losses are absorbed by the national exchequer through subsidies, guarantees, and debt restructuring year after year, and privatization plans keep slipping because the political cost of confronting them is high.

Distribution company inefficiency compounds the problem. In FY25, Discos posted Rs 265 billion in losses, an improvement on FY24’s Rs 276 billion but still a substantial drag, according to Geo News, with Quetta, Peshawar and Hyderabad among the worst-performing utilities.

What happens if the pattern holds

Pakistan’s debt-to-GDP ratio sits between 70% and 80% as of 2026, according to Wikipedia’s economic summary, with debt servicing occasionally consuming two-thirds of government spending. That’s the backdrop against which every circular-debt conversation happens: there is very little fiscal room left to absorb another missed deadline.

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The missed gas tariff deadline doesn’t automatically trigger a program breakdown — Pakistan has weathered similar friction points before during its current EFF arrangement. But with the IMF’s own documentation showing persistent concern about the credibility of debt-reduction plans, and with global energy prices still elevated in the aftermath of the Iran war, the margin for further slippage is thin. The next review will likely hinge less on the rhetoric around reform and more on whether the Rs 5 levy and LNG cargo sales actually show up in the numbers.


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Analysis

Malaysia Bets Its 2026 on “Execution” — And the Semiconductor Upcycle Is Doing the Heavy Lifting

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Malaysia’s government has declared 2026 a year of “execution” and “discipline” as the Anwar Ibrahim administration races to deliver on the 13th Malaysia Plan (RMK13) ahead of elections that could come as early as February 2028, according to Fortune’s interview with economy minister Akmal Nasrullah Mohd Nasir.

A Strong Base to Build From

Malaysia’s economy grew 4.9% in 2025 following 5.1% growth the year before, with unemployment falling to 2.9% — the lowest in a decade — and the ringgit trading at its strongest level in five years. HSBC’s ASEAN economist Yun Liu forecasts 4.6% growth for 2026, citing strength in electrical equipment manufacturing, tourism, and sound government policy, while Nomura economists have projected an even more bullish 5.2%, pointing to infrastructure spending under RMK13.

The ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO) projects growth moderating slightly to 4.6% from an estimated 4.9% in 2025, describing Malaysia’s performance as reflecting its “entrenched position in global semiconductor and electronics value chains” and the broader global tech upcycle, according to AMRO’s assessment of Malaysia’s investment upcycle.

Navigating Washington Without Picking Sides

Malaysia’s trade relationship with the US has been turbulent. Washington imposed 25% tariffs on Malaysian goods in April 2025, rattling the country’s export-led economy, before a deal reduced US duties to 19% in exchange for Malaysia lowering tariffs on select American products, with exemptions carved out for aviation components and electrical equipment. Malaysia’s trade hit a record high of more than 3 trillion ringgit (roughly $780 billion) last year despite the friction.

Deputy finance minister Liew Chin Tong has framed Malaysia’s positioning explicitly around neutrality: the country is “not China, not the US,” a stance he argues gives Malaysia a strategic advantage in both geopolitical and supply-chain terms, according to Fortune’s reporting from the Forum Ekonomi Malaysia summit.

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Capital Is Flowing In — From Everywhere

Malaysia recorded 22.8 billion ringgit (about $5.8 billion) in foreign direct investment in the first quarter of 2026, a 6.0% year-on-year increase, moderating from the prior quarter’s 48.7% surge. Inflows into information and communication technology services remained particularly strong, with China, Hong Kong, and Singapore serving as the primary capital sources, according to McKinsey’s Southeast Asia quarterly economic review. Bank Negara Malaysia has held its policy rate steady following a pre-emptive 25 basis-point cut in July 2025, with headline inflation projected to average just 2.0% in 2026.

The Long Game: Semiconductors, Rare Earths, and Nuclear Power

Beyond RMK13’s near-term targets, Malaysian officials are positioning the country’s industrial strategy around decades, not years. Minister Akmal has reiterated commitments to eliminate coal use by 2044 and reach net zero by 2050, while confirming Malaysia is actively “exploring the potential” of nuclear power to meet the energy demands of its expanding data-center and semiconductor sectors. AMRO’s structural policy guidance urges Malaysia to develop domestic semiconductor and rare-earth capabilities as a hedge against ongoing US-China “geoeconomic fracturing,” positioning the country as a trusted neutral hub for global manufacturers diversifying away from concentrated exposure to either superpower.


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