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Turkey’s Gold Sales Deepen Bullion Slump

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When the Biggest Buyer Becomes the Biggest Seller

There is a particular kind of irony that only central bankers and historians fully appreciate. For the better part of a decade, Turkey’s central bank was the gold market’s most enthusiastic convert—a tireless accumulator that helped write the de-dollarization gospel and gave emerging-market peers the confidence to stack bullion with almost evangelical zeal. Today, the Türkiye Cumhuriyet Merkez Bankası (TCMB) is the global market’s most consequential forced seller. And the price of gold is paying dearly for the conversion.

In the two weeks following the eruption of the Iran conflict on March 13, 2026, Turkey sold or swapped approximately 58 to 70 tonnes of gold—worth roughly $8 billion at prevailing prices—in what Metals Focus and central-bank data now confirm as the largest weekly drawdown of Turkish gold reserves in seven years. The March total, according to filings cross-referenced against TCMB balance-sheet data and reporting by Bloomberg and Reuters, is closing in on $20 billion. The Financial Times, which broke the story this week, described the scale of Turkey’s gold liquidation as a decisive new pressure point on a bullion market already reeling from a 15–19% retreat from January 2026 peaks.

The phrase “Turkey’s gold sales deepen bullion slump” has moved from analyst shorthand to screaming headline in a matter of days. Understanding why it happened—and what it portends—requires looking past the lira and into the architecture of a global monetary order that is cracking in places nobody expected.

The Anatomy of Turkey’s Gold Sales and Lira Defense

The Turkish lira’s structural vulnerability is no secret. Years of unorthodox monetary policy, persistently elevated inflation, and a current-account deficit that never quite closes have left the currency perpetually exposed. When the Iran conflict ignited energy markets in March, Turkey—a net energy importer with a coastline on the world’s most geopolitically volatile shipping lanes—absorbed a supply shock that was brutal in both speed and severity.

The arithmetic of the crisis was straightforward, even if the politics were not. A surging energy import bill widened the current-account deficit almost overnight. Investors, already anxious, began trimming lira exposure. The exchange rate wobbled toward levels that Ankara has historically treated as a red line. The TCMB’s response—selling gold to buy lira, defending the currency through the foreign-exchange mechanism that sits inside its reserve portfolio—was, in isolation, technically rational.

What made it extraordinary was the volume. Turkey’s central bank gold sales in 2026 have already exceeded anything seen since the 2018 currency crisis, when then-President Erdoğan’s heterodox interest-rate theories brought the lira to its knees. The World Gold Council, which tracks official-sector flows with granular precision, had flagged Turkey’s accumulation record as one of the defining demand stories of the post-2022 gold supercycle. In the span of a single month, that narrative has inverted completely.

The mechanism matters. Some of the gold was sold outright on the London Bullion Market—adding physical supply to a market that was already nervous about demand destruction from slowing Chinese purchases and ETF outflows. Some was executed through swap arrangements, where Turkey effectively borrowed dollars against its gold, a short-term liquidity tool that carries its own roll-over risks. The distinction matters for how long these pressures persist: outright sales are a one-time supply shock; swaps are a deferred reckoning.

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How Turkey’s Gold Reserve Decline Is Hitting Global Bullion Prices

The impact of Turkey’s gold sales on bullion prices has been amplified by timing and psychology as much as by raw tonnage. Gold markets operate on sentiment as much as supply and demand fundamentals. When the world’s fifth-largest official-sector gold holder starts liquidating at scale, it sends a signal that no algorithm or analyst can easily contain.

Consider what the market was already processing before Ankara’s crisis: a 15–19% retreat in spot gold from its January highs, driven by a combination of Federal Reserve hawkishness, dollar resilience, and a partial unwind of the geopolitical risk premium that had lifted bullion through 2024 and most of 2025. The gold-as-safe-haven thesis was already under interrogation. Turkey’s emergency selling has handed its critics their most powerful argument yet.

The Bank for International Settlements data on cross-border gold flows will eventually quantify what the LBMA daily statistics already hint at: the London market absorbed a meaningful supply surge in mid-to-late March that found insufficient offsetting demand at prevailing prices. Spot gold, which had briefly reclaimed $2,600 per ounce in early Q1, has since struggled to hold levels that would have seemed a floor just months ago.

Here, crucially, is what most coverage has missed: Turkey is not alone. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan—two other former Soviet republics that aggressively built gold reserves through the 2010s—have also been net sellers in recent months, according to IMF International Financial Statistics. The pattern is not coincidental. It reflects a structural reality about emerging-market central banks that built gold positions when commodity revenues were strong and reserve cushions were generous. When the tide turns—when energy shocks bite, currencies slide, and import bills balloon—gold is often the only liquid, internationally accepted asset they can mobilize quickly. The de-dollarization playbook has a chapter nobody wanted to write.

Turkey Sells Gold Amid Iran War: The Geopolitical Context

The Iran conflict’s role in this story deserves more careful treatment than it has received. The war has not simply raised energy prices; it has altered the risk calculus for every central bank sitting between Europe and the Persian Gulf. Turkey’s geographic position—straddling NATO obligations, energy transit routes, and fragile diplomatic relationships with neighbors on multiple sides—makes it uniquely exposed to any escalation along the Iran-Iraq-Gulf corridor.

The energy shock is real, immediate, and deeply asymmetric in its impact. Western economies, with diversified supply chains and substantial strategic reserves, can absorb it. Turkey, which imports the majority of its energy and runs a current account that is structurally sensitive to oil prices, cannot. The TCMB’s gold sales are, in this light, less a monetary policy choice than an emergency fiscal tool—the sovereign equivalent of breaking glass in case of fire.

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What the Financial Times and Bloomberg have correctly identified is the scale. What they have not yet fully reckoned with is the precedent. If Turkey—which spent years building its gold position precisely to create a geopolitically neutral reserve buffer—is forced to liquidate under exactly the kind of crisis that gold reserves are meant to absorb, the entire strategic rationale for EM gold accumulation requires reassessment.

The De-Dollarization Myth Meets the Turkish Moment

This brings us to the uncomfortable thesis that sits at the heart of the bullion slump Turkey central bank story. The de-dollarization narrative of the last decade rested on a seductive logic: gold was the asset of monetary sovereignty, immune to American sanctions, uncorrelated with US Treasuries, and universally accepted. Central banks from Beijing to Ankara to Pretoria bought it not merely as a reserve asset but as a statement of intent—a declaration that the dollar-centric monetary system was losing its claim on the future.

Turkey’s March 2026 liquidation does not disprove that thesis entirely. But it reveals its most significant blind spot: gold’s value as a reserve asset is only realised if you can hold it through a crisis. And holding it through a crisis requires a domestic economy resilient enough to weather the storm without emergency liquidation. Turkey, for all its accumulation over the past decade, did not have that resilience. The lira’s structural fragility consumed the safety margin that the gold position was meant to provide.

This is a warning worth internalizing. The IMF’s latest Article IV consultations with several large EM gold accumulators have noted, with diplomatic understatement, that reserve composition matters less than reserve adequacy and domestic financial stability. Turkey illustrates the point with painful clarity: you cannot de-dollarize your balance sheet while remaining dollarized in your liabilities, your energy imports, and your external financing needs.

For the broader gold market, this has concrete implications. The World Gold Council’s central-bank demand data—which showed official-sector buying at record or near-record levels for three consecutive years through 2025—may be about to enter a period of structural revision. The buyers of the supercycle were largely the same countries that now face the greatest currency and energy pressure. When they become sellers, the bid that sustained gold through multiple Western rate hikes evaporates.

Opportunities in the Slump: What Western Buyers Should Know

Every crisis creates a market. The current bullion slump presents a genuinely complex set of conditions for Western investors—pension funds, family offices, sovereign wealth funds, and retail buyers who have watched gold’s retreat with a mixture of frustration and calculation.

The case for gold has not disappeared. It has been recalibrated. The metal’s role as a hedge against systemic risk—dollar debasement, banking fragility, geopolitical tail events—remains structurally intact. What has changed is the short-term supply dynamic: emergency EM selling has created an overhang that may persist for weeks or months, depending on how quickly the Iran situation stabilises and how effectively Turkey and its peers can restore reserve buffers without further liquidation.

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For long-term institutional buyers, the current dislocation offers an entry point at prices that were unimaginable eighteen months ago. The LBMA forward curve suggests the market expects a stabilisation rather than a structural bear market in gold—and there is solid fundamental support for that view. Western central bank demand remains constructive. The structural case for portfolio diversification into gold has not been undermined by Turkey’s crisis; if anything, it has been reinforced by the demonstration that geopolitical risk can materialize with very little warning.

The more interesting question, and the one that deserves serious attention from asset allocators, is whether the next phase of the gold supercycle will be driven by Western institutional demand filling the vacuum left by EM official-sector retreat. If so, the market’s structure—the participants, the pricing dynamics, the geographic distribution of physical demand—will look considerably different in 2027 than it did in 2024.

What Comes Next for the Gold Supercycle

The phrase “supercycle” carries its own risks of hubris, and gold analysts who used it freely in 2024 and 2025 are now quietly adjusting their models. The post-2022 gold supercycle was built on several pillars: EM central-bank accumulation, geopolitical risk premia, dollar debasement concerns, and retail demand in China and India. Turkey’s crisis has weakened the first pillar. The question is whether the others can hold the structure.

In the short to medium term, the outlook depends heavily on three variables: the trajectory of the Iran conflict and its effect on energy prices and EM current accounts; the Federal Reserve’s willingness to pivot away from restrictive policy as global growth slows; and the pace at which Chinese institutional and retail gold demand recovers from its 2025 softness.

None of these are impossible scenarios. All of them are uncertain. What is not uncertain is that the Istanbul Grand Bazaar—where gold traders have watched the market gyrations of 2026 with the particular intensity of people whose livelihoods track the spot price—has seen a shift in sentiment that veteran traders describe as the most significant in a decade. The buyers who once crowded the jewellery shops during lira panics, converting currency into gold as a private act of monetary sovereignty, are now watching their government do the reverse, at scale, with consequences that extend far beyond Turkey’s borders.

That is the real story behind Turkey’s gold sales deepening the bullion slump. It is not merely about tonnes and dollars and reserve ratios. It is about the limits of financial sovereignty in a world where geopolitical shocks move faster than monetary policy can respond—and where even the boldest accumulation strategy can unravel in a matter of weeks when the wrong crisis arrives at the wrong moment.


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Analysis

China Economy 2026: Export Growth Masks Manufacturing Overcapacity

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China’s exports have been the good-news story in an otherwise mixed economic picture. They’re not just holding up; through the first four months of 2026 they were running about 14% to 15% above the same period a year earlier, according to figures cited by the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission and Vanguard’s economic outlook. That’s the kind of number that would normally signal a healthy economy. The complication is what’s happening underneath it.

A growth model showing its age

Manufacturing capacity utilization fell to 73.9% in early 2026 — near a decade low outside of the pandemic shutdowns, per the Commission’s bulletin. That’s the tell. China is producing and shipping more, but a growing share of its industrial base is running under capacity, which points to a structural mismatch: the country’s manufacturing engine has outgrown both its domestic consumption and, increasingly, what the rest of the world is willing to absorb without pushback.

Goldman Sachs Research, in a report cited by Goldman Sachs’ own analysis, forecasts 4.8% real GDP growth for 2026 — above consensus expectations of 4.5% — driven substantially by continued export strength and a softening drag from the property downturn. But that same report flags the labor market as a genuine weak spot: hiring, measured across a weighted average of PMI employment sub-indexes, is at its most depressed level in a decade outside Covid, and urban nominal wage growth slowed to just 3.8% year-on-year in Q3 2025.

Why Beijing isn’t reaching for stimulus

Given the export strength, one might expect policymakers to feel less urgency about consumption-side stimulus. That’s roughly what’s happening — and it’s a deliberate choice, not an oversight. Xi Jinping’s government remains committed to dominating high-value manufacturing, which means comprehensive fiscal stimulus aimed at consumers remains unlikely even as domestic demand stays soft, according to the Commission’s bulletin.

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The People’s Bank of China is expected to hold its policy rate steady through the rest of the year, preferring targeted structural tools over a broad-based rate cut, per Vanguard’s forecast. That’s a notably cautious stance given how weak the property sector remains — property investment indicators are down 50% to 80% from their 2020–21 peaks, and a “meaningful domestic-demand turnaround remains elusive,” in Vanguard’s own words.

The regulatory push to keep capital at home

Two moves by Chinese regulators in mid-2026 point to where Beijing’s real priority sits: keeping household savings and private capital funneled toward domestic industrial policy rather than flowing overseas. New rules taking effect July 1 restrict outbound investment that could be used to export restricted technology or expertise under the guise of ordinary capital flows, with violations carrying fines, visa restrictions and industry blacklisting, according to the Commission’s bulletin. The regulations follow Beijing’s move to block the founders of AI firm Manus from completing a sale to Meta, even after the company had relocated its headquarters from China to Singapore — a signal that Beijing is willing to reach across borders to keep promising tech assets tethered to domestic or Hong Kong listings.

The currency and trade angle

Goldman’s team makes an out-of-consensus call worth flagging: it expects China’s current account surplus to rise to 4.2% of GDP in 2026, up from 3.6% in 2025, while the broader analyst consensus surveyed by Bloomberg expects a decline to 2.5%. The divergence comes down to export resilience — falling export prices are making Chinese goods more competitive even as the yuan is expected to appreciate slightly, with export-price inflation in dollar terms forecast to turn positive, rising to 0.7% from -2.7% the prior year.

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The bottom line

China’s economy in 2026 is a study in contrasts: robust headline export growth sitting on top of underutilized factories, a weak labor market, and a property sector still in its fifth year of decline. The World Bank’s own baseline, published in its country program materials, projects growth moderating toward 4.0% by 2026 — a more conservative read than Goldman’s. Either way, the consensus across forecasters is the same: exports are carrying more of China’s growth than is healthy for the long run, and Beijing’s policy choices this year suggest it’s betting on technological dominance to eventually solve the demand problem, rather than opening the stimulus taps to solve it directly.


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Analysis

Pakistan Circular Debt Crisis 2026: IMF Deadline Missed, Rs 3.44 Trillion

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There’s a number that keeps showing up in every conversation about Pakistan’s economy, and it keeps getting bigger: circular debt. As of early July 2026, the gas sector’s share of that debt alone has topped Rs 3.44 trillion, and Islamabad has missed a deadline the IMF set for tariff reforms meant to arrest the slide, according to Dawn.

What circular debt actually is, and why it won’t go away

Circular debt is the chain of unpaid obligations that builds up when the price consumers pay for electricity or gas doesn’t cover what it actually costs to produce and deliver it. Someone in the chain — a power producer, a gas utility, a state-owned enterprise — ends up carrying an IOU, and that IOU gets passed down the line. Earlier this year, IMF officials pressed Pakistan on exactly this dynamic, questioning the government’s plan to zero out gas-sector circular debt, according to Aaj English. At the time, officials said around Rs 150 billion remained payable to companies including Oil and Gas Development Company Limited and Pakistan Petroleum Limited.

Islamabad’s proposed fix included a Rs 5-per-unit levy on gas, dividends from state-owned companies redirected toward debt reduction, and the sale of 35 LNG cargoes annually on the international market. The IMF, per that same reporting, raised pointed questions about whether the plan was actually viable.

The commitments Pakistan has already made

Under its Extended Fund Facility, Pakistan has committed to capping circular debt growth at Rs 300 billion for FY2027 and cutting power-sector subsidies from 0.7% of GDP to 0.6%, according to details reported by ProPakistani. The government has also shifted Nepra’s annual tariff-rebasing cycle from July to January, and Ogra now revises gas tariffs twice a year instead of once.

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Structurally, some of this is working. The IMF’s own review in May 2026 credited Pakistan with a primary fiscal surplus of 1.6% of GDP for FY26, broadly in line with program targets, and noted gross reserves had climbed to $16 billion by end-December, up from $14.5 billion six months earlier, according to the IMF’s own press release. That progress unlocked roughly $1.1 billion under the EFF and $220 million under a parallel climate-resilience facility, bringing total disbursements under the two arrangements to about $4.8 billion.

Where the fault lines actually are

The uncomfortable part of this story, laid out by commentary reported in The Hans India, is that revenue targets get IMF scrutiny with great precision, while structural reform of loss-making public enterprises — Pakistan International Airlines and Pakistan Steel Mills chief among them — moves far more slowly. Those enterprises’ losses are absorbed by the national exchequer through subsidies, guarantees, and debt restructuring year after year, and privatization plans keep slipping because the political cost of confronting them is high.

Distribution company inefficiency compounds the problem. In FY25, Discos posted Rs 265 billion in losses, an improvement on FY24’s Rs 276 billion but still a substantial drag, according to Geo News, with Quetta, Peshawar and Hyderabad among the worst-performing utilities.

What happens if the pattern holds

Pakistan’s debt-to-GDP ratio sits between 70% and 80% as of 2026, according to Wikipedia’s economic summary, with debt servicing occasionally consuming two-thirds of government spending. That’s the backdrop against which every circular-debt conversation happens: there is very little fiscal room left to absorb another missed deadline.

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The missed gas tariff deadline doesn’t automatically trigger a program breakdown — Pakistan has weathered similar friction points before during its current EFF arrangement. But with the IMF’s own documentation showing persistent concern about the credibility of debt-reduction plans, and with global energy prices still elevated in the aftermath of the Iran war, the margin for further slippage is thin. The next review will likely hinge less on the rhetoric around reform and more on whether the Rs 5 levy and LNG cargo sales actually show up in the numbers.


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Analysis

Malaysia Bets Its 2026 on “Execution” — And the Semiconductor Upcycle Is Doing the Heavy Lifting

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Malaysia’s government has declared 2026 a year of “execution” and “discipline” as the Anwar Ibrahim administration races to deliver on the 13th Malaysia Plan (RMK13) ahead of elections that could come as early as February 2028, according to Fortune’s interview with economy minister Akmal Nasrullah Mohd Nasir.

A Strong Base to Build From

Malaysia’s economy grew 4.9% in 2025 following 5.1% growth the year before, with unemployment falling to 2.9% — the lowest in a decade — and the ringgit trading at its strongest level in five years. HSBC’s ASEAN economist Yun Liu forecasts 4.6% growth for 2026, citing strength in electrical equipment manufacturing, tourism, and sound government policy, while Nomura economists have projected an even more bullish 5.2%, pointing to infrastructure spending under RMK13.

The ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO) projects growth moderating slightly to 4.6% from an estimated 4.9% in 2025, describing Malaysia’s performance as reflecting its “entrenched position in global semiconductor and electronics value chains” and the broader global tech upcycle, according to AMRO’s assessment of Malaysia’s investment upcycle.

Navigating Washington Without Picking Sides

Malaysia’s trade relationship with the US has been turbulent. Washington imposed 25% tariffs on Malaysian goods in April 2025, rattling the country’s export-led economy, before a deal reduced US duties to 19% in exchange for Malaysia lowering tariffs on select American products, with exemptions carved out for aviation components and electrical equipment. Malaysia’s trade hit a record high of more than 3 trillion ringgit (roughly $780 billion) last year despite the friction.

Deputy finance minister Liew Chin Tong has framed Malaysia’s positioning explicitly around neutrality: the country is “not China, not the US,” a stance he argues gives Malaysia a strategic advantage in both geopolitical and supply-chain terms, according to Fortune’s reporting from the Forum Ekonomi Malaysia summit.

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Capital Is Flowing In — From Everywhere

Malaysia recorded 22.8 billion ringgit (about $5.8 billion) in foreign direct investment in the first quarter of 2026, a 6.0% year-on-year increase, moderating from the prior quarter’s 48.7% surge. Inflows into information and communication technology services remained particularly strong, with China, Hong Kong, and Singapore serving as the primary capital sources, according to McKinsey’s Southeast Asia quarterly economic review. Bank Negara Malaysia has held its policy rate steady following a pre-emptive 25 basis-point cut in July 2025, with headline inflation projected to average just 2.0% in 2026.

The Long Game: Semiconductors, Rare Earths, and Nuclear Power

Beyond RMK13’s near-term targets, Malaysian officials are positioning the country’s industrial strategy around decades, not years. Minister Akmal has reiterated commitments to eliminate coal use by 2044 and reach net zero by 2050, while confirming Malaysia is actively “exploring the potential” of nuclear power to meet the energy demands of its expanding data-center and semiconductor sectors. AMRO’s structural policy guidance urges Malaysia to develop domestic semiconductor and rare-earth capabilities as a hedge against ongoing US-China “geoeconomic fracturing,” positioning the country as a trusted neutral hub for global manufacturers diversifying away from concentrated exposure to either superpower.


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