Analysis
When the World Burns: Will the IMF Blink on Pakistan’s Fuel Subsidies Amid the Strait of Hormuz Crisis?
The war in the Middle East has rewritten the rules of global energy markets. For Pakistan, the question is whether Washington’s premier lender will rewrite the rules of fiscal discipline—and whether doing so would actually help.
The morning commute in Karachi tells you everything macroeconomic models cannot. On Shahrah-e-Faisal, rickshaw drivers pause to do the math in their heads—fuel costs up, fares contested, margins evaporating. At the city’s truck terminals, hauliers who move food from Sindh’s agricultural belt to urban markets are quietly adding surcharges that will ripple through every vegetable market from Lyari to Gulshan. The war in the Middle East, detonated by the February 28, 2026 joint US-Israeli air campaign against Iran and Iran’s subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz, has not remained a distant geopolitical abstraction. It has arrived at the petrol pump, in the grocery bill, and now—most consequentially—inside the negotiating rooms where Pakistan and the International Monetary Fund are working through the terms of the country’s $7 billion Extended Fund Facility.
The question gaining urgency among Islamabad’s policymakers, economists, and the public alike is a deceptively simple one: given an energy shock of unprecedented historical scale, will the IMF relax its strict conditions on fuel subsidies for Pakistan? The honest answer, grounded in both economics and political reality, is: modestly, carefully, and only at the margins. And that is almost certainly the right call—even if it makes for uncomfortable politics in a country where energy prices are already a flashpoint.
An Energy Shock With No Historical Precedent
To understand why Islamabad is under such enormous pressure, one must first grasp the scale of what has happened to global oil markets since late February. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz—through which roughly 27% of the world’s seaborne oil trade and 20% of global LNG volumes transited before the conflict—represents, in the words of the International Energy Agency’s Executive Director, “the greatest threat to global energy security in history.” This is not rhetorical escalation. It is arithmetic.
Crude and oil product flows through the Strait plunged from around 20 million barrels per day before the war to just over 2 million by mid-March. Gulf countries, with storage filling rapidly and exports stranded, have cut total output by more than 14 million barrels per day. Brent crude, which traded at $71.32 per barrel on February 27, 2026, surged more than 55%, briefly touching nearly $120 a barrel at its peak—a pace of appreciation that March 2026 will record as one of the largest single-month oil price jumps in market history. As of late April, with the Strait’s status oscillating between partial reopening and fresh episodes of Iranian interdiction, Brent remains anchored in the $80–$92 range with no durable resolution in sight, and commodity analysts warn that sustained supply chain bottlenecks could keep markets tight regardless of any ceasefire.
For energy-importing developing nations, the IMF itself frames this precisely. In a landmark March 30 blog signed by eight of the Fund’s regional directors—including Western Hemisphere Director Rodrigo Valdés—the authors warn that “all roads lead to higher prices and slower growth,” with energy-importing economies in Asia and Africa facing the effect of a “large, sudden tax on income.” Pakistan, almost entirely dependent on imported crude and LNG, sits squarely in the crosshairs.
Pakistan’s Fiscal Tightrope: The Numbers Behind the Negotiations
Against this backdrop, Pakistan’s position is structurally precarious. The country carries a fiscal deficit projected at approximately 3.2% of GDP for FY26 and FY27, with government revenues expected to remain roughly stable at 15.8% of GDP—a ratio that leaves vanishingly little room for unbudgeted expenditure shocks. Public debt remains elevated. Foreign exchange reserves, though recovering relative to the 2022–23 crisis lows, are still fragile enough that the IMF has explicitly stated that exchange rate flexibility should remain the primary shock absorber against Middle East spillovers—a polite way of saying Islamabad cannot afford to defend the rupee while simultaneously subsidizing petrol.
The political impulse to do exactly that has nonetheless proven irresistible. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s government has, over recent months, reintroduced fuel subsidies—cutting petrol prices by Rs80 per litre at one point—and held the Petroleum Development Levy (PDL) on diesel at effectively zero, against a budgeted target of Rs80 per litre. Fuel subsidies had risen to Rs125 billion by April 3, 2026, with the government committing to a Rs152 billion cap and scrambling to find fiscal offsets through cuts to the development budget and Rs27 billion in savings from reduced government fuel allowances.
The IMF, for its part, is not unmoved by the humanitarian dimension—but it remains unyielding on the fiscal logic. Mission Chief Iva Petrova stated explicitly at the conclusion of the March third-review discussions that “energy price subsidies should be avoided due to their high fiscal cost and distortionary effects,” and that “sustainability is maintained through timely tariff adjustments that ensure cost recovery.” The staff-level agreement for the third review, reached on March 27 and scheduled for Executive Board approval on May 8 to unlock approximately $1.2 billion in disbursements, was reached against a backdrop of ongoing negotiations over fuel pricing parameters that are expected to shape the upcoming federal budget.
The IMF’s April 2026 Fiscal Monitor, meanwhile, advised Pakistan to gradually phase out fuel subsidies, address contingent liabilities, and expand its tax base to ensure medium-term fiscal sustainability. The Fund warned that sustained fiscal consolidation would require structural reforms, including broadening the tax base and reducing reliance on subsidies, and that Pakistan’s primary surplus—estimated at 2.5% of GDP for FY26—is projected to decline to just 0.1% by FY31 without further reform action. These numbers tell a story of structural fragility that no amount of war-emergency rhetoric can paper over.
The Case Against Broad Subsidies: Why the IMF Is Right to Hold Firm
Fuel subsidies are, from an economist’s perspective, almost perfectly designed instruments for achieving the wrong outcomes. They are regressive—higher-income households, who own more vehicles and consume more fuel per capita, capture a disproportionate share of the benefit. They distort price signals, discouraging conservation and investment in alternatives precisely when the supply shock argues for both. They are fiscally corrosive: Pakistan’s government revenues running at 15.8% of GDP cannot sustainably absorb an open-ended commitment to international oil prices while simultaneously funding the security, education, and health expenditures a 240 million-person nation requires.
There is, moreover, a cautionary precedent from a strikingly similar juncture. When Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine triggered global commodity price surges, a number of emerging markets—from Egypt to Sri Lanka to Pakistan itself—responded with broad-based fuel subsidies. In every case, the fiscal cost proved larger than anticipated, the inflationary feedback loop proved faster than modelled, and the political economy of subsidy removal proved dramatically more costly after a period of entrenchment than it would have been with targeted relief from the outset. Sri Lanka’s fiscal collapse, in particular, demonstrated how subsidy-driven balance-of-payments deterioration can accelerate from a manageable deficit challenge to a full-scale reserve crisis with frightening speed. Pakistan, in 2022, required emergency IMF intervention partly because of this dynamic. Repeating the experiment with a weaker fiscal position and a larger external shock would be economically reckless.
The IMF Fiscal Monitor’s warning that “revenue growth has likely peaked” carries particular weight in this context. If Pakistan’s tax-to-GDP ratio, already among the lowest in South Asia at roughly 10-11%, cannot be meaningfully raised in coming years, then subsidy expenditures crowd out the very social investments—health, education, early childhood development—that translate economic growth into human development. The war emergency does not suspend this structural logic; it intensifies it.
What the IMF Should Do—and What Islamabad Should Ask For
The argument that broad fuel subsidies are counterproductive does not imply that the IMF should ignore the human reality on Karachi’s streets. There is a meaningful distinction, however, between comprehensive price suppression—which primarily benefits the non-poor—and targeted, temporary relief for vulnerable households. And here, encouragingly, both the IMF and Pakistan’s government have identified the right mechanism, even if the sequencing and scale remain contested.
The Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) is among the better-designed cash transfer systems in South Asia. As part of the new programme conditions, the IMF has already asked Pakistan to increase BISP quarterly payments by 35%—raising stipends from Rs14,500 to Rs19,500 starting January 2027—a meaningful improvement, though one that may not fully offset middle-income household burden. Islamabad should push, firmly and with economic evidence, for a faster and more generous BISP uplift. This is the correct instrument for a war-emergency response: fiscally bounded, targeted to those who actually need relief, and capable of being wound down as the oil shock dissipates without creating the entrenched price distortions that fuel subsidies inevitably generate.
The IMF, for its part, should show flexibility in how fiscal targets are achieved during an external shock of this magnitude, even while holding firm on whether they are achieved. There is genuine economic justification for allowing some degree of automatic stabiliser functioning—accepting a temporary deficit overshoot if revenues fall short due to slower growth, rather than demanding pro-cyclical fiscal tightening in the middle of an energy crisis. The Fund’s own Fiscal Monitor acknowledges that the Middle East conflict “could lead to higher energy prices, tighter financial conditions and increased inflationary pressures” that strain government finances. Acknowledging this in the programme design—with explicit clauses for temporary deviation if oil prices remain above a defined threshold—would be a sophisticated policy response. It would also be consistent with IMF practice during the COVID emergency waivers of 2020–2021.
Concrete policy recommendations for Islamabad:
- Accelerate BISP expansion now, rather than after January 2027; propose a dedicated emergency supplementary tranche for the war-shock period, financed by the fiscal savings already generated from development budget rationalisation.
- Maintain petroleum levy on petrol at the Rs100/litre level and work with provinces to restore the diesel levy to the Rs55/litre target on a time-bound schedule, insulating revenue flows from the war’s uncertainty.
- Negotiate an oil price contingency clause within the EFF framework: if Brent remains above $95 per barrel for more than 60 consecutive days, a pre-agreed, temporary widening of the deficit target—funded by provincial surplus sharing rather than central bank financing—takes effect automatically.
- Fast-track tariff rationalisation in the power sector to reduce circular debt accumulation; the energy sector’s fiscal drag is structurally more damaging than the current fuel subsidy debate.
- Resist the political pressure to freeze petrol prices indefinitely. Each month of price freeze embeds a larger future adjustment, and experience shows that deferred adjustment is always more painful—economically and politically—than managed, incremental change.
The Geopolitical Dimension: Leverage, Moral Hazard, and the Long Game
There is an argument, sometimes advanced in Islamabad’s policy circles, that Pakistan’s geopolitical weight—its nuclear status, its strategic location, its diplomatic role in US-Iran mediation talks (with US Vice President JD Vance and Steve Witkoff reportedly transiting Islamabad for negotiation rounds)—gives it leverage to extract more lenient IMF terms. This argument deserves neither complete dismissal nor uncritical acceptance.
It is true that the Fund operates in a political economy, and that strategically significant states have historically received more patient treatment than smaller, less geopolitically consequential debtors. It is equally true, however, that moral hazard is a serious constraint on IMF flexibility. If Pakistan secures significant subsidy-related waivers on the basis of war-emergency argumentation, it establishes a precedent—for itself in future programme negotiations, and for other emerging markets observing the dynamic—that external shocks are sufficient to suspend fiscal conditionality. The long-run cost of that precedent almost certainly exceeds the short-run benefit of a relaxed petroleum levy target.
The IMF’s own research—including the March 30 blog by Rodrigo Valdés and colleagues—is explicit that the war shock is asymmetric: it hurts energy importers more than exporters, and poorer countries more than richer ones. But the Fund’s recommended response to this asymmetry is not price suppression—it is enhanced social protection, exchange rate flexibility, and where available, additional concessional financing. Pakistan has access to the Resilience and Sustainability Facility, which is precisely designed for climate and external shock resilience. Islamabad should explore whether the RSF’s parameters can be stretched to address a conflict-driven energy emergency, a creative use of existing instruments that might yield more than a pitched battle over petroleum levy targets.
The Forward Path: Resilience Requires Reform, Not Relief
The immediate crisis will pass—eventually. Commodity analysts already note that any durable reopening of the Strait of Hormuz would likely trigger an immediate $10–$20 per barrel drop in crude prices, with Brent likely settling in the $80–$90 range even with lingering supply chain disruption. Pakistan’s current account pressures should ease materially when that happens. The question that will define Pakistan’s medium-term economic trajectory, however, is what structural architecture remains in place when the storm breaks.
The IMF’s next-programme thinking—already forming as the current EFF winds down—targets a 2% primary surplus, broader taxation of agriculture, exporters, IT, real estate and retail, and the definitive phase-out of fuel subsidies. These are not punitive demands. They are the minimum structural conditions for a country with Pakistan’s demographic profile and development aspirations to maintain any semblance of fiscal sovereignty. A government that can shelter its poorest citizens through well-targeted transfers, collect taxes from all productive sectors of its economy, and price energy at cost-reflective levels is a government that does not need to go cap-in-hand to Washington every two years. That is, ultimately, what genuine economic independence looks like.
The war in the Middle East is a tragedy measured in lives, livelihoods, and the slow-motion unravelling of a regional order that—whatever its imperfections—sustained the energy infrastructure on which billions of people depend. For Pakistan, it is also a test: of the political maturity to distinguish between legitimate emergency relief and structural dependence; of the administrative capacity to deliver targeted cash transfers faster than political pressure demands across-the-board price freezes; and of the diplomatic skill to negotiate flexibility within a programme framework without triggering a breakdown that would cost far more than the subsidy revenue being contested.
The rickshaw driver on Shahrah-e-Faisal deserves protection from an energy price shock he had no hand in causing. He deserves it through a direct transfer to his pocket—not through a subsidy that flows, at perhaps five times the fiscal cost, to the executive at Clifton who fills up his Fortuner. Getting that distinction right, under pressure, in the middle of a war, is the task before Pakistan’s policymakers and their IMF interlocutors alike. It will not be easy. But it is the only path that ends somewhere better than another crisis.
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Analysis
The Taxman Cometh from Beijing
China’s global hunt for billions in unpaid taxes is rewriting the rules for its wealthy citizens.
Just after the Lunar New Year in 2026, a Shenzhen-based family office manager began fielding a new, unwelcome kind of call from his clients. Chinese tax authorities were asking them to settle liabilities on overseas capital gains—some dating back to 2017, others as far as 2000. He had no explanation for the arbitrary five-year window, only the stark reality of a new era: the era of Beijing’s global tax hunt.
Within weeks, the picture became clearer and more alarming for the country’s ultra-wealthy. Banks in mainland China had received instructions to freeze the accounts of wealthy depositors until they could prove taxes on foreign assets, trusts, and investments had been paid. As one banker put it, speaking to the Financial Times under the condition of anonymity: “These wealthy individuals now immediately need to pay penalties and taxes in cash to reactivate their accounts.” The policy response is unambiguous: the People’s Republic has launched a campaign to recover what it believes to be hundreds of billions of dollars in unpaid taxes.
It is, by any measure, a foundational shift in China’s fiscal policy, prompted by a grinding budget deficit and a genuine overhaul of its tax system to align more closely with the United States’ model of global taxation.
The Crunch and the Crackdown
The reason for the campaign’s urgency is a stark one: Beijing is running out of money. The traditional engines of state revenue have seized. Total government land sales, once a core source of funding for local governments, have collapsed from a peak of 8.7 trillion yuan ($1.3 trillion) in 2021 to just 4.15 trillion yuan after the spectacular unwinding of the property market .
This is not a short-term liquidity crisis. It is a structural fiscal realignment. Since the pandemic, overall budget revenue in China has largely stagnated, falling by 1.7% to 21.6 trillion yuan ($3.2 trillion) in 2025 . With the property sector no longer the reliable cash cow it once was, the state has been forced to look elsewhere, and it has set its sights on the billions of dollars in wealth held offshore by its citizens. The State Taxation Administration and the Ministry of Finance confirmed the new measures, formalising a pursuit that was already well underway .
This is the hard data behind the crackdown: a fiscal imperative. It signals that the government is willing to reach decades back into the past—some accounts are being scrutinised as far back as the year 2000—to plug the hole in the present.
The Core Development: A Data-Driven Manhunt
What makes this campaign different from previous sporadic efforts is its technological sophistication and its sheer scope. The hunt is not merely targeted; it is systematic and data-driven.
Chinese authorities are leveraging the full force of modern financial surveillance, utilising data obtained through the OECD’s Common Reporting Standard (CRS), which China has been an active participant in since 2018. As tax lawyer Ye Yongqing of Anli Partners noted, regulators are steadily strengthening the supervision of cross-border capital flows and foreign exchange transactions, narrowing the scope for wealthy Chinese to transfer assets offshore .
Private bankers and wealth managers are already seeing the impact. Singapore-based bankers who manage assets for Chinese families have confirmed that new rules on foreign trusts have “shocked” their clients . Last month, China introduced comprehensive tax rules on assets transferred to foreign trusts, closing a long-standing loophole. Under the new regime, income generated by overseas trusts will be taxed at 20% across multiple stages.
The specific assets under scrutiny are varied, including real estate, stocks, precious metals, and even cryptocurrencies . Financial institutions are being asked to verify whether income from these assets has been declared to Beijing. The retroactive nature of the campaign—in some cases extending more than 25 years—has been confirmed by multiple officials, bankers, and advisors .
Why are banks freezing accounts?
Chinese banks have been instructed to cooperate with tax authorities by freezing the accounts of wealthy depositors until they settle tax liabilities on their overseas assets. This includes gains from foreign stocks, real estate, trusts, and insurance policies. The freeze is only lifted when the individual pays the outstanding tax and penalties in cash, creating powerful leverage for the state to enforce compliance quickly.
An American Model, A Chinese Reality
The structural ambition of this campaign reaches well beyond a one-off tax grab. It represents a deliberate strategy to move China’s tax system closer to the US model.
Just as the US Internal Revenue Service taxes American citizens on their worldwide income regardless of where they reside, China is beginning to adopt a similar territorial approach. This is a significant escalation. For years, wealthy Chinese individuals have used offshore trusts and other complex structures to defer or eliminate tax liabilities on foreign earnings. These structures were often established during the heyday of Hong Kong IPOs, providing a “perfect income tax shield,” according to a Singapore-based banker . The new rules aim to dismantle those shields.
The implications are profound. When the taxman begins to treat offshore gains the same as domestic profits, the calculus of wealth management for high-net-worth individuals changes entirely. As Ye Yongqing noted, this “reduces the scope for wealthy Chinese to transfer their assets abroad or structure their tax affairs through offshore vehicles” .
Victor Shih, a professor of political economy at the University of California, San Diego, summed up the driving force simply: “The motive behind the new campaign is clearly fiscal” . That fiscal necessity is now reshaping the legal architecture of Chinese wealth.
The Second-Order Effects: Compliance and Capital Flight
Downstream consequences of this policy are already rippling through the economy and across borders.
For those in the cross-border trade business, the squeeze is tangible. Zhejiang-based exporter Henry Huang told the South China Morning Post that the heightened scrutiny of unreported overseas income is “taking a real bite out of profits,” forcing him to rethink cross-border operations with little room to pass on costs to price-sensitive US and European customers .
Chinese authorities are also ramping up the legal and psychological pressure. The public security ministry’s “Fox Hunt” campaign, which focuses on extraditing economic fugitives, has already captured over 880 overseas suspects, demonstrating a hardened stance on economic crime .
Yet the most significant risk might be a self-inflicted wound. There is a growing concern that such an aggressive enforcement posture, while potentially lucrative, could accelerate the very capital flight it is designed to reverse. If the wealthy feel they are being pursued relentlessly and facing punitive fines, they may seek to move not just their cash but their entire operations to jurisdictions they perceive as safer.
A Dissenting View: The Cost of Compliance
Of course, the narrative is not without its critics. Some experts warn that the crackdown could have unintended consequences that outweigh the potential revenue gains. The shift in policy, while designed to boost state coffers, might create an exodus of talent and capital.
Furthermore, the operational challenges for tax authorities are immense. While big data and the CRS give them a new level of visibility, they are still largely in the dark about the total quantum of overseas assets. A Bloomberg report from January noted that “even in Beijing’s tightly controlled society, the crackdown is proving spotty,” with local authorities largely unaware of the amount of wealth stashed abroad .
The risk is that a “one-size-fits-all” approach could drive the most mobile taxpayers away. A banker in Singapore managing Chinese wealth observed that many trust owners now face “one-off tax liabilities” and may be forced to sell assets to cover the bills . The campaign may ultimately shrink the tax base it is trying to capture, a classic Laffer Curve dilemma applied to capital.
The “global tax hunt” is, at its heart, a story of transformation. It illustrates a China trying to build a modern welfare state without the traditional safety net of property speculation. The era of the tax-free offshore account for Chinese citizens is ending, not with a whimper but with a series of account freezes and data-driven audits. The policy represents a historic pivot, a move to international norms that at once strengthens Beijing’s fiscal position and challenges the global mobility of its wealthiest citizens. The state’s appetite for its own citizens’ foreign wealth has only just begun, and it is ravenous.
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Banks
Inside the Fed’s Most Divided Vote in Years: Why Warsh Held the Line on Rates
The Federal Reserve’s rate-setting committee held its benchmark borrowing rate steady on July 29, keeping it in a range of 3.5% to 3.75% — but the calm on the surface masked one of the most contested votes of the post-pandemic era. The Federal Open Market Committee split 9 to 3, with three members pushing to raise rates rather than hold, according to NPR’s coverage of the decision.
Chair Kevin Warsh, who took over the Eccles Building earlier this year after a nomination process that rattled bond markets, used his post-meeting press conference to make a point of not making a point. Rather than signal where rates are headed next, Warsh told reporters the Fed would judge market reaction “direct and unfiltered” instead of offering the rolling forecasts investors have come to expect, a stance detailed in CNBC’s meeting recap.
A rate hike was genuinely on the table
What made this meeting unusual wasn’t just the dissent — it was how close markets came to pricing in a hike rather than a cut. Fed funds futures tracked by CME Group put the odds of a rate increase at roughly 35% heading into the decision, up sharply from 26% a week earlier, according to CNBC’s markets analysis. That is a striking reversal from the rate-cutting cycle many investors had expected when Warsh’s nomination was first floated as a “productivity-led growth” pivot away from his predecessor’s caution.
The market reaction told its own story. The S&P 500 slid roughly 0.6% during Warsh’s press conference, the Dow shed more than 840 points intraday, and the 10-year Treasury yield rose to 4.657%, even as the Fed opted for a hold rather than a hike.
Why Warsh is playing it differently
Warsh’s approach reflects both economic and political calculus. Treasury yields have climbed since the Fed’s prior meeting despite the hold, a dynamic Warsh acknowledged directly. And unlike his predecessor, Warsh has been explicit that he intends to set policy independent of the White House’s preferences — even as he awaits a possible additional ally on the Board once a pending internal review concludes, according to CNBC’s analysis of the political backdrop.
Why this matters beyond Washington
A genuinely undecided Fed has knock-on effects well past US borrowers. Higher-for-longer Treasury yields pull global capital toward dollar assets, complicating rate paths in London, Ottawa, and emerging markets alike — a dynamic playing out in parallel with the UK’s own fiscal squeeze (see our companion report on the Autumn Budget) and China’s deflationary drag on global demand. For businesses and investors across the Gulf, Southeast Asia, and South Asia weighing dollar-denominated debt or dollar-pegged currencies, an unpredictable Fed chair is arguably a bigger variable than the rate level itself.
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Analysis
Pakistan Passed Its Third IMF Review
The IMF’s Executive Board completed Pakistan’s third review of its 37-month Extended Fund Facility (EFF) and second review of its Resilience and Sustainability Facility (RSF) on May 8, 2026, unlocking roughly $1.1 billion under the EFF and $220 million under the RSF, according to the IMF’s official statement. Total disbursements under both arrangements now stand at roughly $4.8 billion. Acting Chair Nigel Clarke credited Pakistan’s “strong program implementation” for supporting macroeconomic recovery and building resilience to shocks.
The Genuinely Good Numbers
By the IMF’s own account, the underlying data supports the assessment. GDP growth accelerated to an average of 3.8% year-on-year in the first half of FY26, driven by the auto, construction and garment industries, even accounting for flood disruption in July-August, according to the IMF’s staff report. Inflation, while ticking up to 7.3% year-on-year in March as commodity price pass-through hit domestic energy prices, remained within a broadly contained range, with core inflation at 7.6%. The current account was described as broadly balanced, and reserve rebuilding exceeded earlier projections — the State Bank of Pakistan projects reserves continuing to climb to roughly $18 billion by June 2026, according to analysis from the Islamabad Policy Research Institute.
The State Bank confirmed receipt of $1.3 billion from the IMF on May 12, 2026, according to CSS Prep’s policy analysis, which notes reserves had fallen to dangerously low levels in 2022-2023 before this recovery.
The External Risk the IMF Flagged Explicitly
The Fund’s own report is notably candid about downside exposure: under its April 2026 World Economic Outlook adverse scenario, the cumulative hit to Pakistan’s GDP from continued Middle East conflict could rise to around 1.5 percentage points by FY27, with inflation and the current account deficit each worsening by roughly 1.5-2.5 percentage points of GDP, according to the IMF’s staff country report. Given Pakistan’s reliance on imported energy, oil price volatility discussed in the IMF’s global outlook feeds directly into this specific country risk.
The Reform Question That Keeps Recurring
The structural policy conditions attached to this review read as familiar territory: sustaining fiscal consolidation, broadening the tax base, maintaining tight monetary policy to keep inflation within the State Bank’s target range, and advancing energy-sector reform — commitments the IMF’s own end-of-mission statement described as still “ongoing” rather than complete, per the IMF’s March 2026 mission statement.
A sharper framing comes from Pakistani policy analysts themselves: reforms that would genuinely break the IMF-program cycle — broadening the tax base to include agriculture and retail, ending energy subsidies, privatizing loss-making state-owned enterprises — impose concentrated, visible costs on politically organized interest groups, while the benefits of reversing those costs are diffuse and delayed, according to CSS Prep’s analysis. That political-economy imbalance, the analysis argues, consistently favors populist continuation of stabilization support over the structural reform that would end the need for it — a pattern this third review’s genuine macroeconomic progress doesn’t yet break.
Social Cost of the Adjustment
Pakistan’s poverty headcount rate rose to 25.3% in FY24, up sharply from 18.3% in FY22, driven by overlapping shocks from COVID, floods and inflation, according to the IMF’s staff report. The Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) remains the primary social protection mechanism absorbing the distributional cost of IMF-mandated energy price increases and fiscal tightening — whether its scale is adequate remains, in the IMF’s own words, a live policy question rather than a settled one.
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