AI
The Rise of China’s Hottest New Commodity: AI Tokens
Imagine a new global commodity traded not in barrels or bushels, but in trillions of invisible computational units — weightless, borderless, and already reshaping the architecture of economic power. In the summer of 1858, a copper-core cable crossed the Atlantic seabed and rewired who controlled the flow of value across empires. In the spring of 2026, something structurally similar is happening, only the cable is digital, the commodity is China’s AI tokens, and the empire building is happening in plain sight.
The numbers are now difficult to ignore. China’s daily consumption of tokens — the tiny data units processed by AI models — has surpassed 140 trillion as of March 2026, a more than 1,000-fold increase from the 100 billion recorded at the beginning of 2024, and over 40 percent higher than the 100 trillion logged at the end of last year. China.org.cn Liu Liehong, administrator of China’s National Data Administration, announced the figure publicly and framed it not as a technical milestone but as a strategic one. The surge, he said, signals China’s AI industry “evolving from basic chat functions to more sophisticated systems capable of decision-making and task execution.” This is bureaucratic language with a geopolitical subtext: China is no longer catching up in artificial intelligence. It is setting the pace in the metric that matters most — actual usage, at scale, in the real economy.
From OpenRouter to the World: How China’s AI Tokens Surpassed the US
The clearest empirical signal of this shift has come from an unexpected source: OpenRouter, a San Francisco-based API aggregation platform that functions as a kind of global stock exchange for large language models. OpenRouter data published on February 24, 2026, shows that models built in China account for 61% of total token consumption among the platform’s top ten most-used models, with aggregate consumption reaching 5.3 trillion tokens out of a combined 8.7 trillion. Dataconomy The three most-consumed models that week were all Chinese. MiniMax M2.5 claimed the top position with 2.45 trillion tokens consumed in a single week — a 197% increase from the prior week. Moonshot AI’s Kimi K2.5 followed with 1.21 trillion tokens, and Zhipu AI’s GLM-5 placed third with 780 billion tokens, itself up 158%. TechBriefly
The historical reversal was swift and decisive. In the first week of February 2026, the weekly call volume of Chinese models had jumped to 2.27 trillion tokens, sending a strong signal of pursuit. Just one week later, Chinese models officially surpassed their US counterparts with 4.12 trillion tokens versus 2.94 trillion. By the week of February 16th, Chinese models had soared to 5.16 trillion tokens — a 127% increase in three weeks. 36Kr The growth is structural, not episodic, and it has been observed at the highest levels of the American venture capital industry. Andreessen Horowitz partner Martin Casado estimated that roughly 80% of startups using open-source AI stacks are running Chinese models. TechBriefly OpenRouter COO Chris Clark put the dynamic plainly: Chinese open-weight models have gained large market share because they are “disproportionately heavy in agentic flows run by U.S. firms.”
Ciyuan: When a Nation Brands Its Commodity
Beijing has never been content to let economic transformations arrive without a conceptual framework to accompany them. At the 2026 China Development Forum, Liu Liehong used the term ciyuan as the official Chinese translation for “token” during a speech on AI development, effectively resolving a debate within China over how the term should be rendered. South China Morning Post The naming is deliberate and worth examining. In Chinese, ci translates to “word,” while yuan carries double meaning: it is the basic unit of Chinese currency, and the suffix used when naming most foreign currencies in Mandarin. Liu said the token, or ciyuan, was not only a value anchor for the intelligent era but also a “settlement unit” linking technological supply with commercial demand, thereby allowing business models to be quantified. South China Morning Post
The People’s Daily had introduced the concept in January, describing ciyuans as the smallest unit of information processed by large models — possessing characteristics “emergent in the intelligent era” of being quantifiable, priceable, and tradable, with a new value system centered on their invocation, distribution, and settlement rapidly taking shape. TechFlow The semantic move is not accidental. China is not simply producing more AI tokens than the United States. It is trying to name, define, and ultimately govern the unit of account for the next phase of the global technology economy. Jensen Huang arrived at the same conceptual destination independently. At Nvidia’s GTC developer conference last week in San Jose, clad in his trademark leather jacket, Huang told the audience that “tokens are the new commodity,” declaring that Nvidia should no longer be seen mainly as a chip maker but as a builder of what he calls “AI factories” that produce tokens in large numbers. South China Morning Post Two of the world’s most consequential technology figures, one American and one Chinese, are now converging on the same metaphor — which suggests the metaphor is correct.
The Structural Edge: Electricity, Architecture, and the Token Economy
China’s dominance in China’s AI tokens is not a speculative narrative driven by state media hype or a single viral product launch. It rests on compounding structural advantages that are difficult to reverse quickly through policy alone.
The most fundamental is energy. China’s total electricity costs are approximately 40% lower than in the United States — a physical cost advantage that competitors cannot easily replicate. China Academy When a developer anywhere in the world calls a Chinese AI model’s API, the request is processed in a Chinese data center powered by the Chinese grid. The economic value of that electricity is exported globally as a high-margin digital service — one that bypasses customs, evades tariffs, and barely registers in conventional trade statistics. Industry estimates suggest that converting raw electricity into AI processing services can increase its value by up to 22 times compared to simply exporting electricity at the grid rate. China.org.cn China’s western regions — Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Yunnan — provide abundant, low-cost renewable energy at scale. The country has also built a vertically integrated supply chain spanning ultra-high-voltage transmission equipment, liquid-cooled data centers, and server assembly that few rivals can match.
The second advantage is architectural. Chinese AI laboratories have pioneered efficiency-first model design under the pressure of US chip export restrictions. DeepSeek V3’s Mixture-of-Experts architecture activates only a fraction of the model’s parameters during inference, with independent tests showing its inference cost is roughly 36 times lower than GPT-4o. MiniMax M2.5, despite having 229 billion total parameters, activates only 10 billion during inference. China Academy These are not merely clever engineering choices. They are the product of operating under genuine resource constraints — constraints that have paradoxically made Chinese models leaner, cheaper, and more deployable at global scale.
The third advantage is price. MiniMax M2.5 charges $0.30 per million input tokens and $1.10 per million output tokens. By comparison, Claude Opus 4.6 costs $5 per million input tokens and $25 per million output tokens — roughly 10 to 20 times more expensive. TechBriefly In the new agentic AI era, where a single automated workflow can consume millions of tokens in a matter of hours, this price differential is not a marginal consideration. It is frequently the deciding factor. A Silicon Valley developer who once tested workflows with GPT-4 at tens of dollars a day has little rational reason not to switch when a Chinese alternative delivers comparable benchmark performance at a tenth of the cost.
Alibaba Token Hub and the Industrialization of Ciyuan
Corporate China has received the signal and reorganized accordingly. Alibaba has established a new internal division called the Alibaba Token Hub, directly overseen by Chief Executive Eddie Wu, moving the research team that develops its flagship Qwen models, the consumer-facing app division, and major AI-related products under a single unified structure. Bloomberg The unit will focus on creating, distributing, and applying tokens — the basic computing units used by AI models — while integrating several internal teams to cover the full AI stack, from foundation model development to enterprise-level AI applications. TechNode The naming of the division after the commodity it produces is itself a statement of intent. Alibaba is not building an AI company. It is building a token factory.
The reorganization lands against a backdrop of surging Chinese AI cloud pricing that reflects genuine demand pressure. Alibaba Cloud announced price increases on select services effective April 18, 2026, citing global AI demand, rising supply-chain costs, and sharp increases in token call volume. Baidu Smart Cloud made an identical announcement the same day. Zhipu launched a new agent-optimized model and simultaneously raised its API price by 20% on March 16th. Tencent Cloud adjusted billing strategies for its intelligent agent development platform starting March 13th. 36Kr When Chinese AI providers raise prices in unison, it is not a cartel behavior — it is a market clearing mechanism. The supply of ciyuans is being consumed faster than it can be provisioned, and the price signal is propagating through the ecosystem.
A report jointly released by Andreessen Horowitz and OpenRouter shows that the total token call volume of Alibaba’s Qwen series ranks second globally at 5.59 trillion, second only to DeepSeek’s 14.37 trillion. 36Kr These are not vanity metrics: they represent real developer adoption, real API revenue, and real geopolitical influence embedded in the codebases of companies that may scale into tomorrow’s global technology infrastructure.
The Counterpoints: Profitability, Chip Constraints, and Sovereign Risk
Honest analysis demands acknowledgment of what the token volume data does not tell us. Market share on OpenRouter — a platform beloved by independent developers and AI hobbyists rather than large enterprise procurement departments — does not translate automatically into enterprise dominance. The main battleground for corporate AI workloads remains, for now, in the hands of American providers offering the accountability, compliance tooling, and integration depth that large institutions require. OpenRouter represents a thin slice of the global AI market; its developer-skewed demographics mean the 61% figure overstates Chinese penetration of the full economy.
The profitability question is equally live. Aggressive token pricing is partly a land-grab strategy — buying market share at margins that may not be sustainable. The simultaneous wave of Chinese cloud price increases in March 2026 suggests the economics are tightening. DeepSeek’s inference costs may be radically lower than GPT-4o’s, but training costs, talent costs, and the escalating expense of acquiring increasingly scarce advanced chips under US export restrictions are real. Washington’s ongoing efforts to tighten the chip embargo — extending restrictions to additional Nvidia architectures and closing loopholes used to route chips through third-country entities — represent a genuine long-run constraint on China’s ability to scale inference capacity. And sovereign risk is not zero. Developers in regulated industries and allied governments face real legal and reputational exposure from routing sensitive workloads through Chinese infrastructure, regardless of how cheap or fast those tokens may be.
Token Exports as a New Form of Digital Soft Power
Yet the strategic logic of China’s position is more durable than its critics typically concede. Tokens are intangible, bypass customs, evade tariffs, and don’t appear in official trade statistics. China exports massive compute and electricity services, yet it remains virtually invisible in trade data. China Academy This invisibility is a feature, not a bug. Token exports occupy a legal and regulatory grey zone that trade hawks find difficult to target. You cannot sanction a token. You cannot put a tariff on an API call. The infrastructure that produces the tokens — the data centers, the power grid, the model weights — sits firmly within Chinese sovereignty and beyond the reach of extraterritorial enforcement.
Beijing appears to understand this clearly. China has named 2026 the “Year of Data Element Value Release,” is building a single national data market with unified property rights, and by end of 2025 had compiled over 100,000 high-quality datasets totaling more than 890 petabytes — roughly 310 times the digital collection of the National Library of China. MEXC The scale of data assembly, combined with cheap inference, low-cost energy, and rapid model iteration cycles, constitutes a vertically integrated token economy that took China’s industrial sector decades to assemble in steel or semiconductors — and that is being assembled in AI in a matter of years.
Chinese artificial intelligence service stocks rallied this week after state media highlighted a sharp increase in domestic AI model adoption and a surge in the token usage they generate. Bloomberg The market’s reaction is rational. Investors are pricing in what economists have been slow to formally model: that the token, like oil before it, will become a commodity whose production geography matters enormously to the distribution of global wealth. The country that most cheaply produces what the world most needs will, history suggests, extract durable rents. In the oil era, that was the Persian Gulf. In the token era, the early evidence points unmistakably toward the Yangtze River Delta, the Pearl River Delta, and the data centers of Guizhou province humming with renewable hydropower.
The British Empire laid the cables. The rest, as they say, was history. The question now is who controls the flow — and at what price per million tokens.
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Analysis
China Reviews Meta’s $2bn Manus Deal—and Bars Founders From Leaving
Beijing’s export-control probe into Meta’s acquisition of the agentic AI startup is the sharpest test yet of who owns the talent and technology produced by China’s restless entrepreneur class.
The transaction had looked like a clean escape. Manus, an artificial intelligence startup founded in Beijing, had spent the better part of two years engineering its own liberation: relocating its headquarters to Singapore, laying off its mainland staff, shuttering its Chinese offices, and raising money from Benchmark, one of Silicon Valley’s most storied venture capital firms. When Meta announced in late December that it would acquire Manus for over $2 billion—the social media giant’s third-largest deal in its history—the founders appeared to have navigated one of the most treacherous passages in global tech. They had moved, adapted, and escaped.
Then Beijing blinked last.
On Wednesday, Reuters confirmed reports from the Financial Times that China has restricted two co-founders of Manus from leaving the country, as regulators formally review whether Meta’s $2 billion acquisition violates China’s investment rules. MarketScreener What began in January as a procedural commerce ministry inquiry has hardened into something far more personal: exit bans on the individuals who built the product, signalling that Beijing regards the transfer of agentic AI capabilities to a Western technology giant not as a routine M&A transaction, but as a matter of national security.
The implications extend far beyond one startup and one deal.
What Is Manus—and Why Does Beijing Care?
Manus AI’s parent entity, Butterfly Effect, was founded in 2022 by serial entrepreneur Xiao Hong in Beijing, with operations in Wuhan. It was originally a fully Chinese company—founded in China, operated domestically, and run by Chinese founders. Triviumchina Its first product, Monica, was an AI-powered browser extension. Manus, its successor, was something more ambitious: an autonomous AI agent capable of independently browsing the web, executing code, generating reports, and managing complex workflows with minimal human direction.
From day one, the company targeted international users rather than the domestic market. Triviumchina Founder Xiao Hong, known professionally as “Red,” was explicit about why: overseas users’ willingness to pay for software was roughly five times that of Chinese users, and with payments denominated in dollars and an exchange rate of seven renminbi to the dollar, the foreign market was at least 35 times larger. Triviumchina
That calculus proved correct. Within eight months of launch, Manus reached $100 million in annual recurring revenue and draws 22 million monthly visits. WinBuzzer Rather than building its own frontier model, Manus focuses on orchestration and reliable task execution atop existing large language models WinBuzzer—a strategy that made it fast, capital-efficient, and deeply attractive to a company like Meta, which already owns the distribution infrastructure to deploy agents at planetary scale.
Worth more than $2 billion, the deal will be assessed for its consistency with relevant laws and regulations, Ministry of Commerce spokesman He Yadong said at a regular briefing. Bloomberg Regulators began examining possible national security implications shortly after the December announcement.
The reason Beijing cares is elementary: the episode highlights a dilemma for the Chinese authorities—how to get the balance right between promoting Chinese technology internationally and retaining some level of control over homegrown AI companies and founders. The Wire China
The Architecture of an Escape—and Its Limits
The Manus story is, at its core, a story about the limits of regulatory arbitrage in an era of competing superpowers.
Despite being founded by Chinese engineers and backed by Chinese investors, the company moved its headquarters to Singapore in June 2025. Its product became unavailable in China in July. Around the same time, Manus reportedly laid off its Chinese staff and closed its offices in the country. Rest of World The move fit a wider pattern that analysts have termed “Singapore-washing”—a strategy where Chinese tech firms move headquarters or core operations to Singapore to attract foreign investment and avoid regulatory constraints back home. Heavyweights like ByteDance and Shein have made this transition in the past. Rest of World
For Manus, the logic was particularly ruthless in its precision. The company took a series of decisive steps: rejecting capital from state-owned investors while raising a $75 million round led by Benchmark in April, and gutting its China operations before relocating to Singapore in June. Triviumchina Corporate records reviewed by The Wire China suggest the Singapore entity was incorporated as early as 2023, when they set up a firm called Butterfly Effect Pte, which is in turn wholly owned by Butterfly Effect Holding, a Cayman Islands company. The Wire China
Yet the escape was structurally incomplete. Data from WireScreen shows that Xiao remains the legal representative of Beijing Butterfly Effect Technology as well as its second-largest shareholder. The Wire China Beijing’s lawyers had their thread. Manus’s mainland-registered parent company, Butterfly Effect, remains under the founders’ control, and early-stage research and development were conducted in China—factors that could strengthen the argument that Chinese regulators still have a say. eWEEK
The charges now under investigation are expansive. Regulators are examining potential violations of rules governing cross-border currency flows, tax accounting, and overseas investments, in addition to the original export-control inquiry. Bloomberg The central legal question is whether Manus needed an export licence when it relocated its technology and team from Beijing to Singapore before Meta’s acquisition was announced. Beijing’s 2020 Export Control Law includes a catch-all provision covering any technology transfer that could endanger “national security or national interests”—terms deliberately left undefined to give regulators broad discretion. byteiota
A Geopolitical Prism, Not a Legal Dispute
To reduce this case to its legal dimensions would be to misunderstand it.
China’s review of Meta’s acquisition of Manus signals Beijing’s intent to more tightly police foreign involvement in sensitive technologies developed by Chinese entrepreneurs, as more founders move operations overseas to sidestep geopolitical scrutiny. South China Morning Post The review, according to analysts, could become a high-profile test case for China’s equivalent of the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States—CFIUS—which vets and blocks inbound investment on national security grounds.
The valuation optics make Beijing’s frustration palpable. Chinese firms that offered to acquire Manus before Meta’s deal valued it at only tens of millions—two orders of magnitude below what Meta paid. WinBuzzer In other words, the Chinese market entirely failed to recognise or reward what Manus had built. It took a Californian buyer to attach a proper price to Chinese talent. That gap, more than any legal technicality, explains the emotional charge behind Beijing’s intervention.
One source cited by the Financial Times said the deal had drawn attention in Beijing precisely because it could incentivise other startups to relocate abroad to bypass domestic supervision. eWEEK The worry is systemic: if Manus succeeds, it becomes a template. Every ambitious Chinese AI founder with a global product and a Singapore residency permit becomes a potential national security liability.
This is the core tension that Beijing cannot resolve through regulation alone. The fundamental reason Manus AI wanted to move abroad was not U.S. investment restrictions, but weak domestic demand. Triviumchina Fixing that requires economic reforms, not exit bans.
Meta’s Exposure—and Its Strategy
For Meta, the Manus acquisition was never really about Manus alone.
Meta has said it will keep Manus independent while integrating its agents into Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp. WinBuzzer Xiao Hong, who goes by “Red,” was expected to report directly to Meta COO Javier Olivan Substack after the deal closed. The 100-person Manus team represented a concentrated bet on agentic AI—systems capable of acting autonomously in the world rather than simply answering questions.
Meta has pledged a clean break. Meta has pledged there will be no continuing Chinese ownership in Manus and that it will discontinue operations in China. WinBuzzer Its spokesperson Andy Stone stated that “the transaction complied fully with applicable law,” adding that Meta anticipates “an appropriate resolution to the inquiry.” WinBuzzer
Yet the company’s relationship with China is complicated by deep-seated mutual suspicion. Facebook has been blocked in mainland China since 2009. Mark Zuckerberg spent years attempting to court Beijing—learning Mandarin, establishing a brief corporate foothold in Hangzhou—before abandoning the effort. The Manus deal may represent a new phase: rather than seeking entry into China, Meta is actively extracting talent and technology from it.
Washington, for its part, views this positively. Chris McGuire, a former National Security official in the Biden administration, noted that what Manus shows is that there are going to be firms that choose to defect, and that their interests in operating at the cutting edge and making money are greater than in inherent fidelity to the Chinese state. The Wire China
Echoes of TikTok—but With a Different Anatomy
The Manus case invites comparison to the TikTok saga, but the parallel is instructive precisely where it breaks down.
ByteDance and TikTok faced American regulatory pressure to sever their Chinese ownership structure. The concern was that a Chinese parent company could access U.S. user data or manipulate the algorithm for political purposes. In the Manus case, the pressure runs in the opposite direction: it is Beijing demanding that a Singapore-registered company with a Chinese parent acknowledge Chinese jurisdiction.
Both cases, however, share a deeper commonality: the collapse of the fiction that corporate domicile determines national allegiance. Governments on both sides of the Pacific have concluded that a startup’s nationality is determined by the passport of its founders and the origin of its intellectual property—not by the address on its certificate of incorporation. The era of regulatory arbitrage through nominal relocation may be ending.
The Benchmark dimension adds yet another layer. The U.S. Treasury Department has reportedly been looking into Benchmark for its investment in Manus last year, before the company shifted its headquarters to Singapore. Rest of World In other words, the same transaction that triggered a Chinese export-control probe also attracted scrutiny from Washington’s outbound investment review framework. Manus finds itself squeezed from both directions—exactly the double bind that “Singapore-washing” was supposed to prevent.
The Exit Ban: A Message to Every Chinese Founder
The imposition of exit bans on Manus’s co-founders carries significance that transcends their personal circumstances.
Exit bans—the practice of prohibiting individuals from leaving China while under investigation—are a well-established instrument of Chinese enforcement. They have been used against foreign executives in financial disputes, against dissidents, and against individuals whose cooperation is sought in criminal or regulatory proceedings. Their application here, to the founders of a Singapore-incorporated AI startup that sold to an American company, suggests that Beijing has decided to treat the outward flow of Chinese AI talent as an enforcement matter rather than an economic question.
Chris Miller, a professor at Tufts University and author of Chip War, warned that if China deters China-founded startups from expanding internationally, that is a bad thing for the startup ecosystem. The more China relies on potential sticks to keep companies in line with its political priorities, the more that has real risks for China’s efforts to build and support its own ecosystem. The Wire China
The Brookings Institution’s Kyle Chan observed, as reported by WinBuzzer, that Beijing appears to be demanding public support from Chinese tech founders, leaving them unable to stay silent. WinBuzzer The message to every ambitious engineer contemplating a Singapore incorporation is unmistakable: your physical body remains subject to Chinese jurisdiction even after your company has been redomiciled elsewhere.
Three Scenarios for Investors and Policymakers
The resolution of the Manus-Meta review will likely follow one of three paths, each with distinct implications for the global AI competitive landscape.
Scenario One: Conditional Approval. Beijing extracts concessions—restrictions on transferring China-developed intellectual property to U.S. servers, ongoing reporting obligations, or a commitment to wind down the Chinese entity on a specified timeline—before granting clearance. This is the most probable outcome. It preserves Beijing’s claim to jurisdiction while allowing the deal to proceed, and avoids the international embarrassment of blocking an acquisition that Manus’s Singapore incorporation was specifically designed to facilitate.
Scenario Two: Protracted Delay. China drags out the investigation for six to twelve months, using regulatory uncertainty as negotiating leverage in broader U.S.-China diplomatic discussions. The uncertainty alone serves Beijing’s interests by making Western acquirers think twice before pursuing future acquisitions of Chinese-origin startups. Meta’s AI integration timeline slips; investor confidence in Singapore-domiciled Chinese AI companies erodes.
Scenario Three: An Unwinding. Regulators determine that Chinese export-control law was violated and seek to reverse or restructure the transaction. This is the least likely outcome—it would damage China’s startup ecosystem, signal that successful exits to Western companies are structurally impossible, and likely accelerate the brain drain it is designed to prevent. But it cannot be entirely discounted. The exit bans suggest Beijing is prepared to apply maximum pressure before revealing how far it is willing to go.
The Deeper Fault Line
The Manus case is, in the final analysis, a consequence of a structural failure rather than a legal dispute.
China built one of the world’s most dynamic AI startup ecosystems—technically sophisticated, capital-efficient, globally ambitious—and then created the conditions that made its best companies want to leave. Regulatory opacity, weak domestic demand for premium software, U.S. chip restrictions, and the ever-present risk of sudden political intervention drove founders like Xiao Hong to conclude that their only viable path to scale ran through Singapore and Silicon Valley.
Beijing now finds itself attempting to retrofit a sovereignty claim onto a company that had been rationally, legally, and methodically exiting its jurisdiction for years. The exit bans on Manus’s founders are less a legal remedy than an admission of failure—a government reaching for coercive tools because the market tools were inadequate, and the founders were smart enough to know it.
For the global AI industry, the lesson is stark. Capital is mobile, code can be moved, and companies can be reincorporated. But people—their bodies, their families, their residual corporate holdings—remain subject to the laws of the countries that produced them. In the age of AI nationalism, talent is the last and most contested asset of all.
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Acquisitions
SMFG Jefferies Takeover: Japan’s Banking Giant Eyes Full US Deal
There is a particular kind of corporate ambition that does not announce itself. It assembles a small team. It watches. It waits for the moment when price and opportunity converge — and then it moves. That, according to a Financial Times exclusive published this morning, is precisely what Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group is doing with Jefferies Financial Group.
SMFG, Japan’s second-largest banking group, has assembled a small internal team positioned to act should Jefferies’ share price present a compelling acquisition opportunity. Bloomberg Law The disclosure — sourced to people familiar with the matter — instantly rewired global markets. Jefferies shares surged more than 9% in U.S. pre-market trading, building on Monday’s close of $39.55, itself up 3.72% on the session. Frankfurt-listed shares had already jumped 6% immediately following the FT report. Investing.com SMFG’s own Tokyo-listed shares climbed in sympathy.
This is not a casual flirtation. It is the logical culmination of a five-year strategic partnership — one that has been methodically deepened, financially structured, and now, apparently, stress-tested for the eventuality of full ownership.
From Alliance to Ambition: The Anatomy of a Five-Year Courtship
The SMFG-Jefferies relationship began with a handshake, not a balance sheet. SMFG first initiated a formal collaboration with Jefferies in 2021, focused on cross-border mergers and acquisitions and leveraged finance. It took its first equity stake in 2023 and has raised it several times since. U.S. News & World Report
The strategic logic was never obscure: Jefferies, as a fiercely independent mid-market investment bank competing with Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley on advisory mandates, offered something SMBC could not manufacture internally — genuine Wall Street credibility, deep sponsor relationships across private equity, and a leveraged-finance franchise that punches far above its balance-sheet weight.
SMFG first bought nearly 5% of Jefferies in 2021. Then, in September 2025, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corp — the banking subsidiary of SMFG — raised its stake in Jefferies to up to 20% with a $912 million investment. Investing.com To be precise: the Japanese lender boosted its stake from 15% to 20% through a ¥135 billion investment, while deliberately keeping its voting interest below 5% GuruFocus — a structurally important distinction that has allowed SMFG to accumulate economic exposure without triggering the Bank Holding Company Act thresholds that would force a more formal regulatory review by the Federal Reserve.
That September 2025 announcement was accompanied by a sweeping expansion of the commercial partnership. The two groups agreed to combine their Japanese equities and equity capital markets businesses into a joint venture, expand joint coverage of larger private equity sponsors, and implement joint origination, underwriting, and execution of syndicated leveraged loans in EMEA. SMBC also agreed to provide Jefferies approximately $2.5 billion in new credit facilities to support leveraged lending in Europe, U.S. pre-IPO lending, and asset-backed securitization. sec
That Japanese equities joint venture — merging research, trading, and capital markets operations — was expected to formally launch in January 2027. GuruFocus The profit projections were explicit: SMFG estimated the Jefferies stake would contribute 50 billion yen to profit by its fifth year, with 10 billion yen expected to come from the equity joint venture alone. TradingView
This was not passive portfolio investment. It was infrastructure for a takeover — whether or not Tokyo ever intended to use it.
The Opportunity Window: Jefferies’ Annus Horribilis
The SMFG Jefferies takeover calculus has been fundamentally altered by one inconvenient reality: Jefferies has had a brutally difficult 18 months.
Jefferies’ stock has fallen more than 36% this year, following steep declines in 2025, when a unit linked to its asset management arm was embroiled in the bankruptcy of U.S. auto parts supplier First Brands. The Edge Malaysia The fallout extended beyond a single credit event. Jefferies has come under sharp scrutiny over its lending standards and risk appetite after the collapses of both British lender Market Financial Solutions and First Brands. The Edge Malaysia Investors have filed suit, alleging the bank misled markets about its risk management practices.
Jefferies currently carries a market capitalisation of approximately $8.17 billion, compared with SMFG’s market capitalisation of around $124 billion. The Edge Malaysia That ratio — roughly 15-to-1 — tells you almost everything about the feasibility of this deal. From a pure balance-sheet perspective, SMFG could write a cheque for Jefferies and barely register it as a rounding error. The question has never been financial capacity.
The question — always — has been price, governance, and will.
The Small Team With a Large Mandate
SMFG has assembled a small team to prepare for a potential move, should a drop in Jefferies’ share price create a sufficiently compelling entry point. Investing.com The existence of this team — quiet, deliberate, instructed to be ready — speaks volumes about how SMFG’s senior leadership is thinking about this relationship’s terminal state.
Any move by SMFG is not imminent, according to the people briefed on the matter. It is also uncertain whether Jefferies executives would be willing to sell at a depressed share price. MarketScreener That caveat matters enormously. Rich Handler, Jefferies’ long-serving CEO, has built his career around the bank’s independence. He turned down overtures before. The cultural friction between Tokyo’s consensus-driven keiretsu model — patient, hierarchical, relationship-first — and Jefferies’ New York swagger, deal-by-deal meritocracy, and fiercely guarded autonomy is not a detail. It is the central negotiating obstacle.
SMFG is prepared to put the acquisition plan on hold if market conditions or Jefferies management do not allow a full takeover. GuruFocus An SMFG spokesperson, when pressed by the FT, offered a reply that was diplomatic precisely because it said nothing: “Jefferies is our important partner. We decline to comment on hypothetical assumptions or rumors.” MarketScreener
That is not a denial. In the grammar of Japanese corporate communication, it is practically an acknowledgement.
Strategic Implications: What a Full Japan-US Investment Banking Merger Would Mean
A completed SMBC Jefferies possible buyout — should it materialise — would represent the most consequential cross-border M&A between a Japanese bank and a U.S. Wall Street institution since Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group invested in Morgan Stanley in the depths of the 2008 financial crisis. The precedent is instructive.
Larger MUFG rival currently holds a 23.62% shareholding in Morgan Stanley, while third-ranked Mizuho Financial Group acquired U.S. M&A advisory Greenhill in 2023 U.S. News & World Report — demonstrating a clear generational strategy among Japanese megabanks to embed themselves permanently within the architecture of global capital markets.
A full SMFG acquisition of Jefferies would, however, go further than any of these. It would not be a passive stake or a boutique acquisition. It would mean absorbing an institution with roughly $8 billion in equity, several thousand employees, a prime brokerage franchise, leveraged-finance origination across New York, London, and Hong Kong, and a sponsor-coverage network that stretches across the largest private equity firms on earth.
For global leveraged-finance markets, the strategic implications are significant. As Travis Lundy, an analyst who publishes on Smartkarma, noted when the September 2025 stake was announced: “SMBC Nikko may be able to get more inbound M&A interest from U.S. financial firms where it may not have the trusted relationships in the U.S. that Jefferies does. More perhaps it gets SMBC a potentially much better seat at the table for providing LBO financing.” Wallstreetobserver Full ownership would convert that seat into the head of the table.
For SMFG’s securities arm, SMBC Nikko, the prize is equally clear: immediate access to Jefferies’ European sponsor coverage, its EMEA leveraged-loan distribution network, and its U.S. equity advisory franchise — capabilities that would take a decade to replicate organically, if replication were even possible.
The Regulatory and Valuation Hurdles
Elite readers should not mistake appetite for inevitability. The path from minority stake to full ownership in the United States is strewn with structural impediments.
Regulatory architecture: A full acquisition of Jefferies by SMFG would require approval from the Federal Reserve under the Bank Holding Company Act, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), and potentially the SEC and FINRA. In the current U.S. political environment — where economic nationalism has become a bipartisan posture and scrutiny of foreign ownership of financial infrastructure has intensified — regulatory risk is non-trivial. Japanese buyers, historically, have fared better than Chinese bidders; but the regulatory environment of 2026 is not that of 2008.
Valuation gap: SMFG has been watching Jefferies trade down to approximately $39 a share from highs above $70. Even at current depressed levels, a full acquisition premium — typically 30–40% above market — would imply a takeover price in the range of $10.5–11 billion. Whether SMFG is willing to pay a meaningful premium for a franchise whose credit culture is under active litigation scrutiny is a question only Tokyo’s boardroom can answer.
Cultural integration risk: The deepest hazard in this deal has no number attached to it. Jefferies’ most valuable assets — its bankers, its trader relationships, its advisory franchise — are human capital. Wall Street talent, confronted with the prospect of being absorbed into a Japanese megabank’s corporate structure, may simply leave. Managing that attrition risk is the most important post-merger challenge any acquirer would face, and it is one for which the MUFG-Morgan Stanley experience offers only partial guidance.
Precedent, Geopolitics, and the Bigger Picture
Zoom out from the deal-specific mechanics, and what emerges is a structural story about the rebalancing of global finance. Japanese megabanks — flush with capital, largely insulated from the deposit-flight pressures that battered U.S. regional banks in 2023, and operating in a domestic market with limited organic growth — have been systematically deploying their fortress balance sheets into Western financial infrastructure.
The SMFG-Jefferies partnership sits within this broader geopolitical current: Japan’s quiet, methodical bid for investment-banking heft at a moment when U.S. and European banks are retrenching, restructuring, and pulling back from certain markets. For Tokyo’s policymakers and financial regulators, a fully owned U.S. investment bank with a global sponsor-coverage franchise is not merely a corporate asset. It is a projection of economic power.
As Japan’s stock market booms — with larger deal sizes, more global transactions, and increased capital flows from overseas — the alliance with Jefferies has been designed to allow SMFG’s securities arm, SMBC Nikko, to better meet issuer and investor demand TradingView in ways that a purely domestic Japanese franchise never could.
Outlook
SMFG will not overpay for Jefferies — not this week, not this quarter. The assembly of a readiness team is a signal of strategic intent, not a declaration of imminent action. Jefferies’ share price must fall further, or stabilize at a level that SMFG’s internal models can justify to its own shareholders.
But the direction of travel is unmistakable. What began as a 5% alliance stake in 2021 is now a 20% economic position, a $2.5 billion credit commitment, a forthcoming joint venture in Japanese equities, and a dedicated team waiting for the right moment. The infrastructure for a full Japan-US investment banking merger has been quietly, patiently constructed over five years.
The only question still open is timing — and whether Rich Handler’s independence reflex ultimately yields to the mathematics of a depressed stock price and a patient Japanese suitor with a $124 billion balance sheet and nowhere else it needs to be.
In Tokyo’s banking culture, patience is not weakness. It is strategy. SMFG has been playing this long game from the beginning. The board in Marunouchi can afford to wait. The question, increasingly, is whether Jefferies’ shareholders can afford for it to.
FAQ: SMFG Jefferies Takeover — What You Need to Know
Q1: What stake does SMFG currently hold in Jefferies? Through its banking subsidiary SMBC, SMFG holds approximately 20% of Jefferies on an economic basis, following a $912 million open-market purchase completed in September 2025. Crucially, its voting interest remains below 5%, structuring the position to stay below U.S. bank regulatory thresholds.
Q2: Why is SMFG exploring a full takeover of Jefferies now? Jefferies’ shares have fallen more than 36% in the period since SMFG’s last stake increase, largely due to credit losses tied to the bankruptcy of U.S. auto parts supplier First Brands and the collapse of British lender Market Financial Solutions. The decline has created a potential valuation window that SMFG’s internal team is monitoring.
Q3: What regulatory hurdles face a Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group Jefferies acquisition? A full acquisition would require Federal Reserve approval under the Bank Holding Company Act, a CFIUS national-security review, and clearance from FINRA and the SEC. U.S. regulatory scrutiny of foreign ownership of systemically significant financial institutions has tightened considerably since 2020.
Q4: What is the SMBC Jefferies possible buyout worth? Jefferies’ current market capitalization stands at approximately $8.17 billion. A standard acquisition premium of 30–40% would imply a total deal value of roughly $10.5–11.5 billion — well within SMFG’s financial capacity, given its $124 billion market capitalization.
Q5: What does the SMFG-Jefferies deal mean for global leveraged finance and M&A markets? A completed Japan-US investment banking merger of this scale would reshape the mid-market sponsor coverage landscape globally. Combined, SMFG and Jefferies would control a formidable leveraged-lending and M&A advisory platform spanning New York, London, Tokyo, and Hong Kong — with particular strength in private-equity-backed transactions and cross-border Japan-US deal flow.
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Analysis
Global AI Regulation UN 2026: Why the World Needs an Oversight Body Now
The machines are already choosing who dies. The question is whether humanity will choose to stop them.
In the early weeks of Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, a targeting system called Lavender quietly changed the nature of modern warfare. The Israeli army marked tens of thousands of Gazans as suspects for assassination using an AI targeting system with limited human oversight and a permissive policy for civilian casualties. +972 Magazine Israeli intelligence officials acknowledged an error rate of around 10 percent — but simply priced it in, deeming 15 to 20 civilian deaths acceptable for every junior militant the algorithm identified, and over 100 for commanders. CIVICUS LENS The machine, according to one Israeli intelligence officer cited in the original +972 Magazine investigation, “did it coldly.”
This is not a hypothetical future threat. This is 2026. And this is why global AI regulation under the United Nations — a binding, enforceable, internationally backed governance platform — is no longer a matter of philosophical debate. It is the defining policy emergency of our era.
Why the Global AI Regulation UN Framework Is the Most Urgent Issue of 2026
When historians eventually write the account of humanity’s encounter with artificial intelligence, they will mark 2026 as the year the world stood at the threshold and hesitated. UN Secretary-General António Guterres affirmed in early February 2026: “AI is moving at the speed of light. No country can see the full picture alone. We need shared understandings to build effective guardrails, unlock innovation for the common good, and foster cooperation.” United Nations Foundation
That statement, measured and diplomatic in tone, barely captures the urgency on the ground. From the rubble of Gaza to the drone corridors above eastern Ukraine, algorithmic warfare has become normalized with terrifying speed. The Future of Life Institute now tracks approximately 200 autonomous weapons systems deployed across Ukraine, the Middle East, and Africa Globaleducationnews — the majority operating in legal and regulatory voids that no international treaty has yet filled.
Meanwhile, the governance architecture intended to respond to this moment remains fragile and fragmented. Just seven countries — all from the developed world — are parties to all current significant global AI governance initiatives, according to the UN. World Economic Forum A full 118 member states have no meaningful seat at the table where the rules of AI are being written. This is not merely inequitable; it is dangerous. The technologies being deployed against human populations are outrunning the institutions designed to constrain them.
The Lethal Reality: AI Warfare and Human Safety in the Middle East
The Gaza conflict has provided the world its most documented and disturbing window into what AI warfare looks like when accountability is stripped away. Israel’s AI tools include the Gospel, which automatically reviews surveillance data to recommend bombing targets, and Lavender, an AI-powered database that listed tens of thousands of Palestinian men linked by algorithm to Hamas or Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Wikipedia Critics across the spectrum of international law have argued that the use of these systems blurs accountability and results in disproportionate violence in violation of international humanitarian law.
Evidence recorded in the classified Israeli military database in May 2025 revealed that only 17% of the 53,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza were combatants — implying that 83% were civilians. Action on Armed Violence That figure, if accurate, represents one of the highest civilian death rates in modern recorded warfare, and it emerges directly from the logic of algorithmic targeting: speed over deliberation, efficiency over ethics, statistical probability over the irreducible humanity of each individual life.
Many operators trusted Lavender so much that they approved its targets without checking them SETA — a collapse of human oversight so complete that it renders the phrase “human-in-the-loop” meaningless in practice. UN Secretary-General Guterres stated that he was “deeply troubled” by reports of AI use in Gaza, warning that the practice puts civilians at risk and fundamentally blurs accountability.
This is not an isolated case study. Contemporary conflicts — from Gaza, Sudan and Ukraine — have become “testing grounds” for the military use of new technologies. United Nations Slovenia’s President Nataša Pirc Musar, addressing the UN Security Council, put it with stark clarity: “Algorithms, armed drones and robots created by humans have no conscience. We cannot appeal to their mercy.”
The Accountability Void: Who Is Responsible When an Algorithm Kills?
The legal and moral vacuum at the center of AI warfare is not accidental — it is structural. Although autonomous weapons systems are making life-or-death decisions in conflicts without human intervention, no specific treaty regulates these new weapons. TRENDS Research & Advisory The foundational principles of international humanitarian law — distinction between combatants and civilians, proportionality, and precaution — were designed for human actors capable of judgment, hesitation, and moral reckoning. They were not designed for systems that process kill decisions in milliseconds.
Both international humanitarian law and international criminal law emphasize that serious violations must be punished to fulfil their purpose of deterrence. A “criminal responsibility gap” caused by AI would mean impunity for war crimes committed with the aid of advanced technology. Action on Armed Violence This is the nightmare scenario that legal scholars from Human Rights Watch to the International Committee of the Red Cross now warn about openly: not only that AI enables atrocities, but that it systematically destroys the chain of accountability that makes justice possible after them.
A 2019 Turkish Bayraktar drone strike in Libya created precisely this precedent: UN investigators could not determine whether the operator, manufacturer, or foreign advisors bore ultimate responsibility. TRENDS Research & Advisory That ambiguity, multiplied by the speed and scale of contemporary AI systems, represents an existential challenge to the international legal order.
The question “who is responsible when an algorithm kills?” cannot be answered under the current framework. And that is precisely why the current framework must be replaced.
The UN’s New Architecture: Promising, But Dangerously Insufficient
There are genuine signs that the international community understands what is at stake. The Global Dialogue on AI Governance will provide an inclusive platform within the United Nations for states and stakeholders to discuss the critical issues concerning AI facing humanity, with the Scientific Panel on AI serving as a bridge between cutting-edge AI research and policymaking — presenting annual reports at sessions in Geneva in July 2026 and New York in 2027. United Nations
The CCW Group of Experts’ rolling text from November 2024 outlines potential regulatory measures for lethal autonomous weapons systems, including ensuring they are predictable, reliable, and explainable; maintaining human oversight in morally significant decisions; restricting target types and operational scope; and enabling human operators to deactivate systems after activation. ASIL
Yet the gulf between these principles and enforceable reality remains vast. In November 2025, the UN General Assembly’s First Committee passed a historic resolution calling to negotiate a legally enforceable LAWS agreement by 2026 — 156 nations supported it overwhelmingly. Only five nations strictly rejected the resolution, notably the United States and Russia. Usanas Foundation Their resistance sends a signal that is impossible to misread: the two largest military AI developers on earth are actively resisting the international constraints that the rest of the world is demanding.
By the end of 2026, the Global Dialogue will likely have made AI governance global in form but geopolitical in substance — a first test of whether international cooperation can meaningfully shape the future of AI or merely coexist alongside competing national strategies. Atlantic Council That assessment, from the Atlantic Council’s January 2026 analysis, should be understood as a warning, not a prediction to be accepted passively.
The Case for an IAEA-Style UN AI Governance Body
The most compelling model for meaningful global AI regulation under the UN has been circulating in serious policy circles for several years, and in February 2026 it gained its most prominent corporate advocate. At the international AI Impact Summit 2026 in New Delhi, OpenAI CEO Sam Altman called for a radical new format for global regulation of artificial intelligence — modeled after the International Atomic Energy Agency — arguing that “democratizing AI is the only fair and safe way forward, because centralizing technology in one company or country can have disastrous consequences.” Logos-pres
The IAEA analogy is instructive precisely because it addresses the core failure of current approaches: the absence of verification, inspection, and enforcement. An IAEA-like agency for AI could develop industry-wide safety standards and monitor stakeholders to assess whether those standards are being met — similar to how the IAEA monitors the distribution and use of uranium, conducting inspections to help ensure that non-nuclear weapon states don’t develop nuclear weapons. Lawfare
This proposal has been echoed and refined by researchers published in Nature, who draw a direct parallel: the IAEA’s standardized safety standards-setting approach and emergency response system offer valuable lessons for establishing AI safety regulations, with standardized safety standards providing a fundamental framework to ensure the stability and transparency of AI systems. Nature
Skeptics argue, with some justification, that achieving this level of cooperation in the current geopolitical climate is extraordinarily difficult. But consider the alternative. The 2026 deadline is increasingly seen as the “finish line” for global diplomacy; if a treaty is not reached, the speed of innovation in military AI driven by the very powers currently blocking the UN’s progress will likely make any future regulation obsolete before the ink is even dry. Usanas Foundation We are, in the language of arms control analysts, in the “pre-proliferation window” — the last viable moment before these systems become as ubiquitous and ungovernable as small arms.
EU AI Act Enforcement and the Patchwork Problem
The European Union has moved further than any other jurisdiction toward binding regulation. By 2026, the EU AI Act is partially in force, with obligations for general-purpose AI and prohibited AI practices already applying, and high-risk AI systems facing requirements for pre-deployment assessments, extensive documentation, post-market monitoring, and incident reporting. OneTrust This is meaningful progress. It is also deeply insufficient as a global solution.
According to Gartner, by 2030, fragmented AI regulation will quadruple and extend to 75% of the world’s economies — but organizations that have deployed AI governance platforms are currently 3.4 times more likely to achieve high effectiveness in AI governance than those that do not. Gartner That statistic reveals both the potential of structured governance and the cost of its absence.
The EU’s rules, however rigorous, apply within EU member states and to companies seeking EU market access. They do not reach the drone manufacturers of Turkey, the autonomous targeting systems of Israel, the Replicator program of the United States Pentagon, or the algorithmic weapons being developed at pace in Beijing. The International AI Safety Report 2026 notes that reliable pre-deployment safety testing has become harder to conduct, and it has become more common for models to distinguish between test settings and real-world deployment — meaning dangerous capabilities could go undetected before deployment. Internationalaisafetyreport In a military context, undetected dangerous capabilities do not result in regulatory fines. They result in mass civilian casualties.
Comprehensive global AI regulation under the United Nations must transcend this patchwork. The model cannot be voluntary principles and national strategies stitched together by hope. It must be treaty-based, inspection-backed, and enforceable — with particular urgency around military applications.
The Policy Architecture the World Needs
The outline of what a viable global AI regulation UN platform would require is not, in fact, mysterious. The intellectual groundwork has been laid. What is missing is political will, specifically from the three states — the United States, Russia, and China — whose cooperation is structurally indispensable.
A credible architecture would include, at minimum:
- A binding treaty on lethal autonomous weapons systems, prohibiting systems that cannot be used in compliance with international humanitarian law and mandating meaningful human oversight for all others. The UN Secretary-General has maintained since 2018 that lethal autonomous weapons systems are politically unacceptable and morally repugnant, reiterating in his New Agenda for Peace the call to conclude a legally binding instrument by 2026. UNODA
- An Independent International AI Agency modeled on the IAEA, with authority to develop safety standards, conduct inspections of frontier AI systems, and verify compliance — particularly for dual-use applications with military potential.
- Universal inclusion of the Global South, whose populations bear a disproportionate share of the consequences of algorithmic warfare and AI-enabled surveillance, yet remain largely absent from the forums where the rules are being written. Many countries of the Global South are notably absent from the UN’s experts group on autonomous weapons, despite the inevitable future global impact of these systems once they become cheap and accessible. Arms Control Association
- A standing accountability mechanism for AI-related violations of international humanitarian law, closing the “responsibility gap” that currently allows commanders to deflect culpability onto algorithms.
- Real-time AI risk monitoring and reporting, with annual assessments presented to the UN General Assembly — building on the model of the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI already authorized for its first report in Geneva in July 2026.
None of this is technically impossible. The scientific consensus exists. The legal frameworks are available. The moral case is overwhelming.
Conclusion: Global AI Regulation UN 2026 — The Last Clear Moment
The Greek Prime Minister, speaking at the UN Security Council’s open debate on AI, made a comparison that deserves to reverberate through every foreign ministry and defense establishment on earth: the world must rise to govern AI “as it once did for nuclear weapons and peacekeeping.” He warned that “malign actors are racing ahead in developing military AI capabilities” and urged the Council to rise to the occasion. United Nations
Humanity’s fate, as the UN Secretary-General has said plainly, cannot be left to an algorithm. But neither can it be left to voluntary declarations, aspirational principles, and annual dialogues that produce no binding obligation. The deadly deployment of AI in active conflicts has already raised existential concerns for human safety that cannot be wished away by appeals to innovation or national security prerogative.
The architecture for a genuine global AI regulation UN platform exists in skeletal form. The Geneva Dialogue, the Scientific Panel, the LAWS treaty negotiations — these are the bones of something that could actually work. What they require now is not more deliberation. They require the political courage of the world’s most powerful states to subordinate short-term strategic advantage to the longer-term survival of the rules-based international order — and, more fundamentally, to the survival of human dignity in the age of the algorithm.
The pre-proliferation window is closing. 2026 is not a deadline to be managed. It is a moral threshold to be met.
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