On November 19, 2023, Houthi militants seized a Bahamian-flagged cargo ship in the Red Sea. That single act of piracy — framed as solidarity with Gaza — triggered the most consequential maritime disruption to global trade since the 2021 Ever Given blockage. Two and a half years later, the Strait of Bab el-Mandeb remains a war zone in all but name, the Suez Canal handles barely a fraction of its former traffic, and the economies of eighteen nations stretching from Sri Lanka to the Philippines are absorbing cascading shocks they did not generate and cannot fully control. This is the story of how a distant conflict has become a near-present economic emergency across ASEAN and SAARC — and what it means for growth, inflation, remittances, and supply chains through 2028.

The Red Sea in Numbers: A Chokepoint Under Siege

The statistics are staggering. According to UNCTAD’s 2025 Maritime Trade Review, tonnage through the Suez Canal stood 70 percent below 2023 levels as recently as May 2025 UNCTAD, and the trajectory of recovery remains deeply uncertain. Container shipping has been devastated: traffic through the canal collapsed by roughly 75 percent during 2024 compared with 2023 averages, with no meaningful recovery through mid-2025 — data from July 2025 showing no recovery in container vessel transit through the canal, and Houthi attacks as recently as August 2025 making recovery unlikely soon Project44. The Suez Canal’s share of global maritime traffic has slipped from roughly 12 percent to below 9 percent — a structural shift that may not fully reverse even if hostilities cease.

The rerouting of vessels around Africa’s Cape of Good Hope adds 10–14 days to Asia–Europe voyages, pushing total transit times to 40–50 days. Freight rates between Shanghai and Rotterdam surged fivefold in 2024 Yqn. Rates between Shanghai and Rotterdam remained significantly higher than before the attacks began — up 80 percent relative to pre-crisis levels as of 2025. Coface UNCTAD notes that ship ton-miles hit a record annual rise of 6 percent in 2024, nearly three times faster than underlying trade volume growth. By May 2025, the Strait of Hormuz — through which 11 percent of global trade and a third of seaborne oil pass — also faced disruption risks. UNCTAD

The Asian Development Bank’s July 2025 Outlook modelled three Middle East scenarios. In its most severe case — a protracted conflict with Strait of Hormuz disruption — oil prices could surge $55 per barrel for four consecutive quarters. Asian Development Bank The Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly one-third of all seaborne oil and over one-fifth of global LNG supply passes (the latter primarily from Qatar), is a chokepoint of existential importance to every oil-importing nation from Dhaka to Manila.

The Oil Shock Transmission: How Energy Costs Hit 18 Economies

For most of 2025, Brent crude had traded in the $60–$74/barrel range, offering breathing room to energy-hungry emerging economies. That calculus shifted dramatically in early 2026. With fresh military action involving the United States and Israel targeting Iran, Brent broke above $100/bbl — roughly 70 percent above its 2025 average of $68/bbl — according to OCBC Group Research. European gas (TTF) simultaneously pushed past €50/MWh. OCBC

MUFG Research sensitivity modelling shows that every $10/barrel increase in oil prices worsens Asia’s current account balance by 0.2–0.9 percent of GDP. Thailand is the region’s most exposed economy (current account impact: -0.9% of GDP per $10/bbl), followed by Singapore (-0.7%), South Korea (-0.6%), and the Philippines. Inflationary effects are equally asymmetric: a $10/bbl oil price rise pushes annual headline CPI up by 0.6–0.8 percentage points in Thailand, 0.5–0.7pp in India and the Philippines, and 0.4–0.6pp across Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam. MUFG Research Countries with fuel subsidies — notably Indonesia and Malaysia — absorb part of the pass-through fiscally, but at escalating cost to their budgets.

ASEAN: The Differentiated Exposure

ASEAN nations face wildly varying degrees of vulnerability. The Philippines sources 96 percent of its oil from the Gulf, Vietnam and Thailand approximately 87 percent and 74 percent respectively, while Singapore is more than 70 percent dependent on Middle Eastern crude — with 45 percent of its LNG imports arriving from Qatar alone. The Diplomat

The ADB’s April 2025 Outlook cut Singapore’s 2025 growth forecast to 2.6 percent (from 4.4% in 2024), citing weaker exports driven by global trade uncertainties and weaker external demand. Asian Development Bank The IMF revised ASEAN-5 aggregate growth down further to 4.1 percent in July 2025, versus earlier forecasts of 4.6 percent, with trade-dependent Vietnam (revised to 5.2% in 2025), Thailand (2.8%), and Cambodia most acutely affected. Krungsri

SAARC: The Remittance Fault Line

For the eight SAARC economies, the crisis is doubly coercive: higher energy import bills on one side, threatened remittance flows on the other.

India illustrates the tension most sharply. The country consumes approximately 5.3–5.5 million barrels per day while producing barely 0.6 million domestically, making it nearly 85 percent import-dependent. Petroleum imports already account for 25–30 percent of India’s total import bill, and every $10 oil price increase adds $12–15 billion to the annual cost. IANS News Historically, such episodes have triggered rupee depreciations exceeding 10 percent.

The remittance dimension is equally alarming. India received a record $137 billion in remittances in 2024, retaining its position as the world’s largest recipient. United Nations The 9-million-strong Indian diaspora in Gulf countries contributes nearly 38 percent of India’s total remittance inflows — roughly $51.4 billion from the GCC alone, based on FY2025 inflows of $135.4 billion. These workers are concentrated in oil services, construction, hospitality and retail: precisely the sectors most vulnerable to Gulf economic disruption. Oxford Economics estimates a sustained shock “would worsen India’s external position and could put some pressure on the rupee.” CNBC

Pakistan: Caught in the Crossfire

Pakistan’s total petroleum import bill reached approximately $10.7 billion in FY25, with crude petroleum imports of over $5.7 billion sourced predominantly from Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Its trade deficit has widened to approximately $25 billion during July–February FY26. Domestic fuel prices have already risen by approximately Rs55 ($0.20) per litre, reflecting the war-risk premium embedded in global crude markets. Profit by Pakistan Today

The remittance channel is equally fragile. Pakistan received $34.6 billion in remittances in 2024 — accounting for 9.4 percent of GDP — with Saudi Arabia alone contributing $7.4 billion (25 percent of the total), and the UAE contributing $5.5 billion (18.7 percent). Displacement Tracking Matrix An Insight Securities research note from March 2026 warns that geopolitical tensions involving the US, Israel, and Iran “have taken a hit on the security and stability perception” of Gulf economies, with the effect on Pakistani remittances expected to materialise with a lag. About 55 percent of Pakistan’s remittance inflows come from the Middle East, making the country particularly vulnerable. Arab News PK

For Pakistani exporters, shipping diversions around the Cape of Good Hope are extending transit times to Europe by 15–20 days, while freight rates on key routes could rise by up to 300 percent under war-risk classification. Profit by Pakistan Today

Bangladesh and Sri Lanka: Garments, Tea, and the Weight of Distance

Bangladesh’s vulnerability is concentrated in one devastating statistic: more than 65 percent of its garment exports — representing roughly $47 billion of an approximately $55 billion annual export economy — pass through or proximate to the Red Sea corridor. LinkedIn When Maersk confirmed on March 3, 2026, that it had suspended all new bookings between the Indian subcontinent and the Upper Gulf — covering the UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, Iraq, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia — it confirmed that the escalating Iran crisis was no longer merely raising risk premiums; it was severing commercial flows entirely. The Daily Star

The garment sector cannot absorb air freight as a substitute: the BGMEA president notes that air freight costs have increased between 25–40 percent for some European buyers due to the Red Sea crisis, and some buyers are renegotiating contracts or diverting orders. The Daily Star As one garment vice president told Nikkei Asia, air freight costs 10–12 times more than sea transport — an instant route to negative margins. Bangladesh cannot afford order diversion at scale.

Sri Lanka’s exposure cuts across multiple arteries simultaneously. With over 1.5 million Sri Lankans (nearly 7 percent of the population) employed in the Gulf region, and the island recording a record $8 billion in remittances in 2025, any large-scale evacuation or Gulf economic contraction would shatter the fiscal stability the government has only recently achieved. Sri Lanka’s tea exports to Iran, Iraq, and the UAE — where the Iranian rial’s collapse has triggered a freeze in new orders — threaten the livelihoods of smallholder farmers across the southern highlands. EconomyNext

The Hormuz Wildcard: A Scenario That Could Rewrite Everything

Much of the analysis above rests on a scenario in which the Strait of Hormuz remains open. Should it be disrupted — even temporarily — the macroeconomic calculus transforms. Approximately 20 percent of global oil consumption transits the Strait daily, along with over one-fifth of the world’s LNG supply. Alternative land pipelines — Saudi Arabia’s East-West Pipeline and the UAE’s Abu Dhabi Crude Oil Pipeline to Fujairah — can offer some help, but their capacity represents barely one quarter of normal Hormuz throughput. MUFG Research

Under the ADB’s most severe scenario — a $55/barrel sustained oil shock — the impact on current account balances across ASEAN and South Asia would be severe. Current account deficits for the Philippines and India could widen above 4.5 percent and 2 percent of GDP respectively if oil prices were to rise above $90/bbl on a sustained basis. MUFG Research Pakistan, with minimal fiscal buffers, would face renewed currency crisis. India’s annual import bill would expand by roughly $82 billion relative to 2025 averages — approximately equal to its entire defence budget.

Silver Linings and Second-Order Winners

Crises reshape competitive landscapes. Vietnam’s electronics and apparel sector recorded export turnover of $4.45 billion in July 2025 — an 8.2 percent increase over June and 21 percent higher than the same month last year — driven partly by supply chain shifts away from China. Asian Development Bank Malaysia and Indonesia, as partial net energy exporters, benefit from elevated crude prices on the revenue side. Singapore, with a FY2025 fiscal surplus of 1.9 percent of GDP, has the deepest fiscal reserves in ASEAN to deploy energy transition support without macroeconomic destabilisation. OCBC

Thailand has launched planning work on its $28 billion Landbridge project — deep-sea ports at Ranong and Chumphon connected by highway and rail — as a potential alternative corridor to the Strait of Malacca. India is accelerating infrastructure at Chabahar Port, a corridor that bypasses Pakistani territory and opens Central Asian trade routes. The “friend-shoring” dynamic identified by the IMF is also accelerating: as Western supply chains reconfigure away from single-region dependence, ASEAN economies — particularly Vietnam and Indonesia — stand to attract manufacturing diversion from China that partially offsets the Middle East trade cost shock. Krungsri

China’s Shadow: The Geopolitical Dimension

No analysis of the Middle East’s economic impact on ASEAN and SAARC is complete without acknowledging Beijing’s role. China, which imports roughly 75 percent of its crude from the Middle East and Africa, has more at stake in Hormuz stability than almost any other economy. Yet Beijing has maintained studied neutrality, positioning itself as potential peacebroker while expanding bilateral energy security arrangements with Gulf states.

Meanwhile, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) port infrastructure — Gwadar in Pakistan, Hambantota in Sri Lanka, Kyaukpyu in Myanmar — is emerging as a hedging option for economies seeking to reduce Red Sea exposure. The IMF’s Regional Economic Outlook warns that geoeconomic fragmentation — the splitting of global trade into rival blocs — carries a potential output cost, with a persistent spike in global uncertainty producing GDP losses of 2.5 percent after two years in the MENA and adjacent regions, with the impacts more pronounced than elsewhere due to vulnerabilities including higher public debt and weaker institutions. International Monetary Fund

Outlook 2026–2028: GDP Drag Estimates and Divergent Trajectories

Baseline projections remain broadly positive for the region, underpinned by demographic dividends and resilient domestic demand. The World Bank’s October 2025 MENAAP Update projects regional growth reaching 2.8 percent in 2025 and 3.3 percent in 2026. World Bank The IMF’s October 2025 Regional Outlook projects Pakistan’s growth increasing to 3.6 percent in 2026, supported by reform implementation and improving financial conditions. International Monetary Fund ADB’s September 2025 forecasts show Indonesia at 4.9%, Philippines at 5.6%, and Malaysia at 4.3% for 2025. Asian Development Bank

But the scenario distribution has widened materially. In a contained-conflict baseline (oil averaging $75–85/bbl), the GDP drag for oil-importing SAARC economies is estimated at 0.3–0.7 percentage points annually through 2027 — painful but manageable. In a protracted Hormuz-disruption scenario, modelled GDP losses escalate to 1.5–3.0 percentage points for the most energy-dependent economies: Sri Lanka, Philippines, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. Currency pressures in that scenario could trigger sovereign debt rating downgrades for Pakistan (still under IMF programme) and Sri Lanka (still restructuring external debt).

Policy Recommendations for ASEAN and SAARC Governments

The foregoing analysis suggests a multi-track policy agenda structured across three time horizons:

Immediate (0–6 months)

• Strategic petroleum reserves: Economies with fewer than 30 days of import cover — Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Philippines — should accelerate bilateral arrangements with GCC suppliers for deferred-payment oil stocking.
• Freight & insurance backstops: State-owned development banks in India, Indonesia, and Malaysia should establish temporary freight insurance facilities for SME exporters unable to access war-risk cover at commercial rates.
• Fiscal fuel-price buffers: Governments should resist immediate full pass-through of oil price increases to consumers in 2026 — the inflationary second-round effects of premature deregulation risk destabilising monetary policy just as disinflation was being consolidated.

Medium-Term (6–24 months)

• Trade corridor diversification: ASEAN and SAARC should jointly accelerate operationalisation of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) and Chabahar-Central Asia links to reduce exclusive dependence on the Suez/Red Sea routing for European-bound exports.
• Renewable energy acceleration: Each percentage point of fossil fuel imports replaced by domestic solar, wind, or nuclear capacity is a permanent reduction in geopolitical exposure. ADB Green Climate Fund allocations should be explicitly linked to energy import substitution targets.
• Remittance formalisation: Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka should extend incentive schemes to maximise remittance capture through official banking channels, maximising their foreign-exchange multiplier effect.

Long-Term (2–5 years)

• “Asia Premium” hedge architecture: A regional crude futures market, potentially anchored in Singapore, could provide more effective price discovery and hedging access to smaller economies that currently pay a structural premium above Brent.
• Supply chain friend-shoring with selectivity: ASEAN’s competitive advantage is best served by remaining in the middle of the US-China geopolitical competition rather than choosing sides definitively, attracting Western supply-chain investment without triggering Chinese economic retaliation through rare earth or intermediate input export controls.
• Multilateral maritime security: ASEAN and SAARC together represent a significant share of the global trade disruption cost. A formal joint diplomatic initiative requesting a UN-mandated naval security corridor for commercial shipping through the Red Sea and Gulf would add multilateral legitimacy to what is currently a US-led Western operation.

Conclusion: The Geography of Exposure

The Middle East conflict has delivered a masterclass in the hidden geography of economic exposure. Countries that share no border with Israel, Hamas, or Iran — countries that have issued no military guarantee and sent no troops — are nonetheless absorbing the full force of an energy price shock, a logistics cost spiral, and a remittance fragility that was structurally built into their growth models over decades.

Even if hostilities ceased tomorrow, the Red Sea crisis — now stretching into its third year as of 2026 — has tested the limits of global logistics. With Red Sea transits down up to 90 percent and Cape of Good Hope routing now the industry standard, companies face 10–14 extra days in transit, higher inventory costs, and sustained freight premiums of 25–35 percent. DocShipper The ceasefire declared in October 2025 barely shifted the dial. Shipping insurers remain risk-averse; carriers have rebuilt vessel schedules around the longer route.

What the crisis has done is clarify something that globalisation’s practitioners long preferred to obscure: deep economic integration produces deep interdependence, and deep interdependence produces deep vulnerability. The eighteen economies of ASEAN and SAARC are not passive bystanders in a conflict 4,000 miles away. They are, in the most material and measurable sense, participants in its economic consequences. The policy leaders who understand that soonest — and build the resilience architecture accordingly — will determine which countries emerge from the coming years stronger, and which emerge diminished.